Hukay

Bulletin of the University of the Philippines Archaeological Studies Program

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FOREWORD

HUKAY has survived another year. Who would have thought that we will last this long. Established in 1998 by Victor Paz, HUKAY primarily aims to publish articles by the graduate community of the Archaeological Studies Program, both students and faculty. We are also receiving contributions and have published several of these from scholars coming from different institutions both local and foreign.

This year, we are increasing our publication from twice a year to three times a year to accommodate the numerous works of the students being considered for publication.

For this issue, there are two site reports. The first is by Alfred Pawlik, Acheulean in Nueva Ecija?, which discusses the results of the field school of 2001. It focuses on the lithics recovered from the area. The second is by Gay Lacsina and Pamela Faylona, A Preliminary Report on Lake Taal, Talisay, Batangas. This underwater archaeological survey will provide a scientific explanation to the controversial ruins in Taal.

Nida Cuevas discusses selected Philippine underwater shipwreck sites giving attention to the ceramics retrieved from these sites. Jack Medrana's A Report on the Human Teeth from IIIe Cave: An Exercise in Odontology aims to determine the minimum number of individuals, manifestations of stress, disease and life ways through the analysis of teeth among the human remains.

In addition to these articles, Juanito Castro is giving an update on the status of the collections from the very first ASP field school in 1997 in Calatagan, Batangas.

Leee Neri's Muni-muni is an interesting look at what researchers may experience aboard a ship while conducting underwater excavations.

 The Editor

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UPDATES

Errata

In the last issue of HUKAY Vol. 3 No.2, there were several oversights:

A: In Alexandra Santiago's article Theoretical Development in Philippine Archaeology, pp. 1-25

1. On p. 9, the top paragraph should read: He incorporated in this definition his analysis of the Guthe collection in Michigan. Solheim later on used his analysis of pottery in the Philippines, the rest of Southeast Asia and Oceania as the basis for his hypothesis on the origin and dispersal of Austronesian-speaking peoples (1975, 1984-85; 1985; 1994; 2000; n.d.; 2001) ....Nevertheless, Solheim's work is still valuable for Southeast Asian pottery studies today (see Flavel 1997).

2. Katipunan Arkeologist ng Pilipinas, Inc (KAPI) was not established in 1998 as stated on p. 17 but in 1999.

3. Additional references:

B. The Grace Banetto in the back cover should read Grace Barretto.

C. Ligaya P. Lacsina on p. 61 and on the back cover should read Ligaya SP. Lacsina.

D. In Armand Salvador Mijares' article The Archaeology of Cahokia, pp. 41-60

1. The citation of Figure 2 on page 60 was omitted. Figure 2 was taken from Mehrer and Collins 1995

2. The ä¹³C should read

3. Mijares' article was not included in the Featured Articles Section written on the back cover, instead the article of Nida Cuevas was cited which is appearing in this issue.

We sincerely apologize to the authors and readers.

The Editor

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THE LITHIC STUDIES LABORATORY: A NEW RESEARCH
FACILITY OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES PROGRAM,
UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES, DILIMAN

Eusebio Z. Dizon and Alfred F. Pawlik

On February 8th, 2002, the Lithic Studies Laboratory was officially inaugurated together with the formal handover of the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service) equipment and material donations for the University of the Philippines- Archaeological Studies Program (UP-ASP). Together with the simultaneous opening of the ASP Material Studies Laboratory which was initiated by the ASP newly appointed Deputy Director Dr. Victor Paz, this event marks another step in the young history of the only academic institution for archaeology in the Philippines.

The idea to establish a laboratory unit for the scientific analysis of stone tools and the training of students of the Archaeological Studies Program in Lithic Technology and Analysis was born in 1998. The authors proposed the "Lithic Studies Laboratory Project" to the German Academic Exchange Program's Material and Equipment Donation Programme as part of a long term academic exchange between the UP-ASP and the University of Tübingen (Germany), Institute for Prehistory. A Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) was signed between both universities in 1999. The MOA promotes the exchange of faculty and students and is supported by the DAAD. After the approval of the DAAD, a first delivery of scientific materials arrived in the Philippines in July 2000. Another set of instruments and parts was delivered in June 2001 and September 2001. By then, the Lithic Studies Laboratory had already received additional equipment and books from the Fritz Thyssen- Foundation, the German Research Society DFG, the German Archaeological Institute KAVA and the University of Liege, Belgium.

September 2001 also saw the "unofficial opening" of the Lithic Studies Laboratory, now installed in an annex building of the former Instructional Materials Center IMC, which is also used in the meantime by the Office of the University Registrar (Fig. 1). After the renovation, a 30 m² room was made available to accomodate the Lithic Studies Laboratory, it was equipped with air conditioner, laboratory washing basin, telephone and a comfort room. The laboratory was initially furnished with used chairs and tables - the better ones were donated kindly by Mr. Gregorio Magdaraog. This was made to set up the equipment and start with the first lectures and practical training courses for the 2^nd semester 2001/02. Generously, the Chancellor of U.P. Diliman, Prof. Dr. Emerlinda Roman, approved our request for new laboratory and office furniture which completed the Lithic Studies Laboratory at the end of 2001. The new year of 2002 saw then as first major event at the Archaeological Studies Program the formal opening of the Lithic Studies Laboratory, conducted by the

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President of the University of the Philippines, Prof. Dr. Francisco Nemenzo and the Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany, Mr. Herbert Jess who also formally handed over the deeds of donation to President Nemenzo (Fig.2, 3). The whole archaeological community of the University of the Philippines and the National Museum, including its director, Mme. Corazon Alvina and the head of the Archaeology Division., Prof. Wilfredo Ronquillo, along with other distinguished guests, the Chancellor of U.P. Diliman, Prof. Dr. Emerlinda Roman, the U.P. Vice-President of Academic Affairs, Prof. Dr. Maria Serena Diokno, former Dean of the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy Dr. Consuelo Paz just to name a few; gave the Archaeological Studies Program the honour and joined this remarkable celebration. Although dedicated to the analysis of stone tools, the Lithic Studies Laboratory welcomes students and scientists from all fields of Archaeology and is inviting everyone with an interest in archaeological research to take advantage of its equipment.

Even though the laboratory has just been opened, various research projects are already using its working space and facilities. Aside from the analysis of the artefacts and archaeological data gathered in the 2001 field school at the Arubo open site in General Tinio, Nueva Ecija, several lithic assemblages from archaeological sites in Palawan and Cagayan de Oro are investigated as' part of Master's theses of the ASP students. Furthermore, a team of researchers from the Archaeological Studies Program, including its Deputy Director Dr. Victor Paz, and Australia and New Zealand use the microscopy station of the Lithic Studies Laboratory for their particular analyses on archaeological remains from Batanes. Naturally, lectures, seminars and workshops of the Archaeological Studies Program are also held in these facilities.

The heart of the laboratory is a microscopy system for the analysis of prehistoric artefacts, especially stone tools (front cover). The microscope is an Olympus SZX-9 with fibre-optics illumination, zoom lenses and a magnification range from 6x to 60x when using 10x wide field eyepieces. It is attached to the large-size universal microscope stand Olympus SZ-STU-2, especially designed for the analysis of bigger objects. The microscopes' trinocular tube allows the attachment of any photographic device or a videocamera. In the Lithic Studies Laboratory, a digital CCD-Iris color camera Sony DXC-107AP is used as an image capture device and is connected to a Windows 2000 based computer workstation with integrated image analysis system, composed of a Matrox Meteor PAL image and video capture device and Pro-Image image analysis software and digital image archive. For the thorough cleaning treatment of the sensitive archaeological materials, an Ultrasonic cleaning tank is available, as well as a set of stainless steel dial callipers with a precision of measure of 0.05 mm and an electronic precision weighing scale.

Satellite navigation system GPS, surveying instruments, excavation equipment and a mobile data processing facility with handheld and notebook computers and mobile printer provide

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an interface to ASP's archaeological research in the field. The satellite navigation system is a Garmin 12XL 12-channel receiver handheld device with color monitor and computer interface. Aside from the possibility of conveniently down- or uploading geographic data, the included GPS software Fugawi Moving Map shows actual positions, tracking and waypoints over any topographic map on the computer screen. Such a map has just to be scanned (e.g. with the laboratory's scanner) and saved as a JPG-file. With a simple calibration routine, the map is then ready as a background image over which the waypoints and tracking points from the GPS are displayed and recorded. The combination of GPS receiver and Fugawi Moving Map is an ideal tool for any archaeological survey and prospection.

Mobile data processing in the field is provided by a notebook computer, a shock-and waterproof Psion-Work about handheld computer, a mobile printer HP Deskjet 340 with infrared port and rechargable battery, plus interfaces for data exchange, GPS tracking and digital cameras. The excavation equipment includes also a Laserliner levelling instrument with tripod, stadia rod and range poles for surveying and mapping, two-way radio receivers and other technical materials.

The above equiment is completed by a digital photo and video studio, including an Olympus Camedia 920 digital still camera, a JVC DVL-20 digital video camcorder for Mini-DV tapes, both with computer interfaces, a reprographic camera/video stand, an Epson 1270 A3-photo printer, Hewlett Packard 1100 laser printer and an Acer 640ST flatbed scanner with transparency and slide scanning option and fast SCSI interface. These devices permit an extensive documentation of fieldworks and laboratory analysis up to the desktop publishing of archaeological reports, e.g. in ASP's' archaeological bulletin ."HUKAY" and other journals. Various analytical instruments, computer software and parts complete the laboratory.

ASP's Lithic Studies Laboratory is the only research facility of its kind in the Philippines and unique even for the whole of Southeast Asia. Students of archaeology and of related faculties have the exclusive opportunity to receive a state-of-the-art training in archaeology and technology. The authors cordially invite and strongly encourage especially the students of the Archaeological Studies Program to take advantage of this opportunity.

We are looking forward to receive additional equipment for the Lithic Studies Laboratory, especially a microscope for High Power Analysis and a so-called total station for faster and more precise surveying and mapping in archaeological fieldworks. Applications and proposals are currently in preparation.

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Acknowledgments:

Thanks to everyone who supported the Lithic Studies Laboratory:

Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service)
U. P Diliman Office of the Chancellor and Chancellors Prof Dr: Claro Llaguno and Prof
Dr. Emerlinda Roman
The President of the University of the Philippines, Prof Dr. Francisco Nemenzo
Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany and Ambassador Herbert Jess
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Society)
Université de Liège, Prof Dr. Marcel Otte
Kommission fur Allgemeine und Vergleichende Archäologie, German Archaeological Institute
Southeast Asian Institute of Culture and Environment, Mr. Gregorio Magdaraog
National Museum of the Philippines
Fritz Thyssen Foundation
and especially all members of the U. P Archaeological Studies Program

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Fig.3: U.P. President Nemenzo and Ambassador Jess inspecting the
microscopy station

ANU PROFESSORS GIVE LECTURE ON AUSTRONESIAN ORIGINS

Grace Barretto

Australian National University (ANU) Professors Peter Bellwood and Atholl Anderson along with their students, Katherine Szabo and Mary Clare Swete Kelly and another colleague, Dr. Janelle Stevenson were in the Philippines for an archaeological research in Batanes for the joint ANU-National Museum-University of the Philippines-Archaeological Studies Program Project on Austronesian Origins. Anderson is a professor of prehistory and heads the Indo-Pacific Colonization Project which is part of the Asian Fore-ARC Project at ANU. Bellwood is well known for his dominant hypothesis on the spread of Austronesian culture. Prior to their departure for Batanes, they delivered a lecture in UP Diliman on February 12, 2002. Students of archaeology, anthropology, linguistics and history were treated to an afternoon of regional prehistory. Anderson's hypotheses concerning the colonization of the region are the changes in climate and geography; introduction of agriculture; and the development of boat-building technology. He describes the pattern of colonization as highly episodic. Bellwood's research in the region has led him to the theory that Austronesians originated from Taiwan, and migrated to, Island

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Southeast Asia via Taiwan and Batanes based mainly on evidence from archaeology and linguistics. He likewise said that colonization was due to purposeful navigations and not to driftings as earlier proposed. The highlights of the lecture were made during the open forum when Prof. Bill Longacre, a visiting professor at the UP Anthropology Department commented that it was "evident Filipinos do not know their prehistory", so it is crucial to get involve in archaeology so Filipinos would know their past more than foreigners. The last question of the afternoon was asked by a history student addressed to Bellwood, he asked if "the Austronesian Theory will be replaced by a more credible theory in the future". Bellwood smiled and replied with a question "what is a more credible theory?"

LOOKING FOR ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF
AUSTRONESIAN MIGRATION IN BATANES

Alexandra Santiago

The Batanes Islands including northern Luzon is the subject area of archaeological research in the Philippines that seeks to understand the early phases of Neolithic dispersal in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. A Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) was signed between the Archaeology Division of the National Museum and the Centre for Archaeological Research (CAR) of the Australian National University for such an archaeological undertaking. The Philippine research is part of a broader research, namely the Asian Fore-Arc Program (AFAP) undertaken by the Centre for Archaeological Research (CAR) at the Australian National University (ANU), that is concerned with the prehistoric archaeology and relevant palaeoenvironments of the arc of large islands which forms the boundary of the western Pacific southern Japan, Taiwan, the Philippines, Eastern Indonesia and New Guinea, together with East Timor, some archipelagoes of smaller islands within the arc and the nearest Oceanic groups. It is within this region that island life ways worldwide have their greatest antiquity and through it came all the ancient populations of Australia and Oceania.

Last 14 February until 14 March 2002, a research team from the National Museum of the Philippines (NM), the Australian National University (ANU) and the University of the Philippines Archaeological Studies Program (UP-ASP) conducted archaeological excavations in the Batanes Islands. The Batanes expedition was directed by Dr. Peter Bellwood of the ANU and co-directed by Dr. Eusebio Z. Dizon of the ASP and NM. Other members of the ANU group included Dr. Atholl Anderson, Dr. Janelle Stevenson and doctorate students Katherine Szabo and Mary Clare Swete Kelly. Other National Museum staff included Sheldon Clyde Jago-on, Antonio Peñalosa and Jonathan Jacar. The team from the University of the Philippines Archaeological Studies Program included Dr. Victor J. Paz and students Ligaya Lacsina, Alexandra Santiago, Darryl de Leon, and Sharon Teodosio. The research is funded by the Australian Research Council and the

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National Geographic Society.

The Neolithic dispersal of Austronesians is expressed through various combinations of attributes such as pottery, stone tools, animal husbandry and plant domestication. It is through the search for such archaeological evidence that the team hopes to understand the cultural context of the dispersal. Janelle Stevenson, a palynologist, is tasked with helping reconstruct the environmental context.

For the month-long expedition last February/March 2002, the research team conducted archaeological excavations in several open and cave sites in the islands of Batan and Ivuhos. The results were very promising, having found archaeological materials, particularly red slipped pottery sherds. A number of various samples such as charcoal, bones, shells and soil samples were collected for scientific testing. The materials will be sent to the CAR laboratories at the ANU for chronometric and further tests.

One of the open sites archaeologically excavated by the team, the Sunget Site, located in Mahatao, Batan Island, contained several red-slipped pottery sherds. Red slipped pottery sherds are good indicators of the early Neolithic period. Substantial dateable materials were collected from this site for scientific dating.

Caves and rockshelters were also excavated. One cave, Dios Dipun, revealed an unexpected flexed burial at a depth of about two (2) meters from the surface. This is the first cave burial found in Batanes and the date of such burial will be determined after conducting chronometric tests on the materials. Another cave site, Mavuyoc Aschip, located along the coast of Mahatao in an area known as White Beach, was archaeologically excavated. This cave site contained thick habitation deposits such as potsherds, shell and animal bone fragments.

Substantial materials were recovered from the Batanes archaeological expedition and laboratory tests have to be conducted before an assessment and interpretations can be made. After such assessments, the team will return for more excavations in Batanes.

VISITING THE KABAYAN MUMMIES

Pamela G. Faylona and Abigail Hinto

Last March 8-10, 2002, the authors, students of archaeology from the Archaeological Studies Program of UP Diliman, went to visit the site museum of the Kabayan Mummies in Kabayan, Benguet as part of their Archaeology 260 class (Archaeological Resource Management) under Prof. Cecilia Salcedo. The aim of this trip was to see first-hand the

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site museum, the state of the mummies and some of the burial caves in order to assess the different conditions affecting the preservation and conservation of these National Cultural Heritage.

Upon reaching Kabayan, after a five-hour bus trip from Baguio, the group was lodged at the National Museum where they were welcomed by the museum staff led by Mang Melchor and Mang Simo. After settling in, they immediately proceeded to Opdas Cave to view their first burial cave site. The site, however, looked contrived and artificial with the hundreds of skulls neatly piled up in rows.

The only other cave the group was able to visit the Bangao Cave. On the following day, they decided to go on a 3-hour hike to Bangao where some of the mummies can still be viewed in their original state. Sadly, the two mummies that were seen are in very poor conditions as molds cover some parts of the bodies. Decomposition is already setting in, and clearly immediate rehabilitation and conservation is needed if we want to preserve the mummies for future generations.

AN UPDATE ON THE RECENT FIELDWORK IN ILLE CAVE, PALAWAN

Pamela G. Faylona

Ille Cave of Barangay New Ibajay of El Nido, Palawan was revisited for the fourth time. The archaeological excavation started last 31 March 2002 and was funded by Jonathan Kress, an American from Tucson, Arizona. Kress was the one who analyzed the ceramics from Pilanduk Cave and Sagung Rockshelter in Quezon, Palawan way back in 1969. The team was composed of Pamela Faylona, M.S. student of Archaeological Studies Program in U.P. Diliman; Mary Clare Swete-Kelley and Katherine Szabo of the Australian National University; and Sheldon Clyde Jago-on and Antonio Peñalosa of the National Museum of the Philippines.

The team opened three new squares namely N3W5, N3W6 and N3W7. Forming a trench, these squares were excavated in order to see the continuity of cultural deposition. In the squares mentioned above, they found two burials. The first one was recovered from 35 cm below and the other was from 65 cm below surface. Test pit N4W13 was re-opened and reached 200 cm underneath the ground. This test pit showed some interesting ground pebble stone tools and flake tools.

Besides the two burials and several paleolithic tools, shells, ornaments such as glass and shell beads, charcoal, metal, ceramics (earthenware and tradeware) and animal bones were unearthed. The excavation ended on 13 April 2002.

ACHEULEAN IN NUEVA ECI]A?

A Report from the 2001 ASP Fieldschool in Ambo, General Tinio,
Nueva Ecija, Central Luzon

Alfred F. Pawlik*

Introduction

This report deals with a very promising site for the Palaeolithic Archaeology of Central Luzon recently discovered in the province of Nueva Ecija. In 1995, Mr. Jon Aves, grandson of Mr. Nicanor B. Aves, Sr., owner of a farmland in General Tinio called Arubo, found two stone tools together with pieces of fossilized wood at that site. Mr. Aves reported the findings to the National Museum, which conducted a first inspection of the site in 1996 and suggested further investigation (Dizon 1996). The examination of the arte facts from Nueva Ecija identified one specimen as a typical proto-handaxe while the other one appeared as a large flake tool with a retouched tip. For the archaeology of the archipelago, this discovery was quite sensational, since no handaxes had been reported in the Philippines so far (Pawlik, in press). With the support of the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, it became possible to materialize a first archaeological investigation within the ASP-Summer Fieldschool Program from April 19 until May 12, 2001. The fieldworks included an extensive survey, explorations and initial test excavations which were conducted in cooperation with the National Museum. The investigated site was called "Arubo 1" after the surrounding farmland and is located near the city of General Tinio (Fig. 1).

Geographic Situation

The site Arubo belongs to the town proper of General Tinio in the province of Nueva Ecija, approximately 80 km north of Metro Manila (Fig.2). It is located north of the town of General Tinio and is a part of Barangay Rio Chico. Its middle coordinates are 15°22'02.4" N,
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* Visiting Professor of the Archaeological Studies Program

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121°05' 52.5"E, app. 100m elevation above mean sea level¹ .

The site is situated around a fishpond and is characterized by the presence of large boulders of chert and other rocks scattered on the present surface. The extensive diggings done by bulldozers brought these stones to the surface, after approximately 2-3 meter of topsoil has been removed to create the fishpond. The amount of earthen works is also indicated by the surrounding heaps, which also contain numerous chert boulders. The bulldozers removed the topsoil almost until the sandstone bedrock. The whole area of Arubo shows more fishponds with several more chert blocks outcropping and a potential to find more lithic artefacts. Nowadays, most of the fishponds have been given up and are falling dry during the summer season. Also, Arubo 1 is today just a residual pond where no fishing is done anymore except for some gathering of snails and mussels.

Archaeological Investigation of Arubo 1

Field Surveys

As a part of the fieldworks in Arubo I, explorations for site catchments were undertaken. The team was divided into 3 groups, equipped with GPS receivers and digital cameras to record potential sites with their field coordinates and a photographic documentation. The covered area was app. 2 x 2 km large. In total, nine sites with a similar appearance than Arubo I have been detected (and recorded as Arubo 2-10). All of them showed the same pattern of chert blocks outcropping at the surface. The majority of the sites were also situated at former fishponds. This field survey, although it was rather limited and done in just 2 days, made clear that there is a high potential for more palaeolithic field research and opened new perspectives for the future archaeological investigation of the Rio Chico area.

Prospection and Excavations at Arubo 1

The main objective of the initial fieldworks at Arubo was to carry out a systematic prospection of the area where the stone tools have been found. For this purpose, a grid system was laid out, using a 10m² unit width. It was set up in north orientation and each 10m grid node was marked with a wooden stake. Teams of 2-3 students were scanning each 10m² unit and plotting every artefact according to its x- and y-coordinates (Fig.3). Additionally, every noticeable chert piece, nodule or boulder was recorded. Elevations of the whole area were taken and used to create a topographic map and a three-dimensional surface model of the site (Fig. 4). It was very soon observed that despite the disturbance created by bulldozers
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¹The NAMRIA Topographic Map sheet 7273 IV shows an elevation of only app. 60m above mean sea level. However, repetitive measurements with 2 GPS receivers and a digital altimeter during the fieldworks delivered much higher altitudes. Reference measurements at a benchmark in 10km distance appeared in average 40m higher. We assume that the benchmark and contour lines of the topographic map have incorrect values.

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during the creation of the fishpond, two significant concentrations of chert which were perhaps associated with human activities can still be recognized (Fig.5). Based on the results of the systematic prospection, two 2x2m pits within the chert concentrations southwest of the fishpond, were excavated by the participating ASP students (Fig. 6 and Fig. 7). Another two pits were opened by the National Museum team on the elevated area east of the fishpond, hoping to find an undisturbed stratigraphy, not affected by the bulldozing (Fig.8; Garong 2001, 6ft). Additionally, the elevated area beyond the chert concentrations in the southwestern part of the site was chosen by the National Museum team to conduct auger coring. It seemed however, that this area was more of a soil dump for the excavation of the fishpond (Garong 200 I: 8). The excavations within the chert concentrations reached very soon the sandstone bedrock, indicating that the bulldozing left only little sediments around the pond (Fig. 9). The remaining stratigraphy at present consisted only of two layers under the grassy surface for the two pits inside the chert concentrations. Layer 1 is formed by a conglomerate of topsoil and very dense, clayish components. It is followed by Layer 2, compacted clayish sediment, already mixed with eroded sandstone from the underlying sandstone bedrock. This layer is free of humus soil and has therefore not been significantly disturbed by the bulldozing.

From there, at least three artefacts could be recovered presumably in situ, just above the sandstone base. All other findings were collected from today's surface. It is rather possible to expect an original position of the cultural materials under 2-3 m of sediments but at present, this cannot be supported by directly obtained data.

The Lithic Artefacts

In total, only 18 finds showed characteristics of lithic artefacts. Among them were five cores, three core tools and 10 flakes. Four of them showed secondary modifications, i.e. retouch. The morphometric analysis of these artefacts is discussed in the following paragraphs.

Raw Material

The raw material used for the artefacts is locally available. The exploration of the Arubo site and its vicinity showed that the whole area is scattered with large chert boulders of different varieties in grain size, colour and texture (Fig. 10). Based on the specific weight of chert (app. 2.5 kg/dm') a weight of over 100 kg for the larger boulders is estimated. They seem to be more or less in situ (aside trom the effects of the bulldozing) and might be the residues of the former limestone formation that covered this region during the Tertiary like the still existing limestone mountains of Penablanca, c. 200 km north of Nueva Ecija (Ronquillo 1981: 2). Due to their hardness and chemical resistance, they were mostly unharmed by the erosion 'of the limestone but showed indications of tectonic stress. No signs of a fluvial transport can be seen, rounding and rolling marks are lacking. Also, fluvial beds are missing

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in the immediate locality of Arubo, except for a few artificial canals which served as drainage for the fishponds, but too small to carry these large and heavy chert materials. The river bed of the Rio Chico is at its nearest c. 300 m away and c. 35-40 m lower than Arubo 1 and cannot serve as transporter for the chert. Surveys conducted along the river bed revealed no chert pebbles at all. Although some artefacts can be typologically described as "pebble tools", the nodules were no (river) pebbles at all.

The 200 artefacts and geofacts are all made of these local cherts. Sixteen different varieties of chert were identified. Aside from petrified wood fragments, no other materials have been detected, neither of organic nature, nor any earthenware. Predominant among the findings is a yellow-grey patinated and relatively fine-grained chert. The proto-handaxe and several other artefacts are made of this material. The varieties range from this material to a pitted coarse chert and even porous, siliceous pseudo-tuff. Despite the presence of large boulders of fine grained homogenous material, even such rough and pitted sponge-like material was used for flaking.

Débitage

Six unmodified or primary flakes have been found during the 2001 fieldschool. Among them are three cortex flakes and three unretouched flakes with dorsal negatives. The cortex flakes are significantly bigger in size than the other flakes. Although the number of artefacts is small, it might indicate the preparation of the large boulder cherts which are locally available without much of a "smash-and-grab" style of initial flaking.

Cores and Core Technology

Despite their relatively small number, the artefacts from Arubo yielded a lot of information about the lithic technology performed at the site. Several cores have been found, all showing different preparations techniques and reduction sequences, ranging from simple circulating reduction (III-96-F2-09) to a core (III-96-F2-11; Fig. 11a, c) that is similar to a so-called horse-hoof core like those found in Java and related to the Pacitanian industry (von Koenigswald 1936).

A core on a wedge-shaped fragment of a chert nodule resembles an artefact which was noted by the author among the assemblage from the Lang Vac site, Ngha An Province in Vietnam (III-96-F2-12, Fig. 11b, a). This is supposed to belong to the Son Vi culture of northern Vietnam. Son Vi is regarded as a Middle Palaeolithic industry covering the period between 120,000 and 40,000 BP, however based on typological criteria rather than absolute dating (Loofs- Wissowa 1984:441)

Very interesting is one of the stratified artefacts, a core on a large flake (III-96-F2-121,

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Fig.11 a, f). This relatively sophisticated artefact is made of a honey-colored chert of similar texture as the material of the proto-handaxe. The rectangular, bar-shaped flake is at its distal part steeply domed. The butt seems to be from a striking platform on a natural joint plane. However, a sign of a dorsal reduction point to a platform preparation. The flake has two dorsal ridges, one of it had been partially removed by lateral flaking (in the proximal area). Both lateral edges and the distal end are fully retouched. The ventral face served hereby as striking platform, since all negatives are on dorsal. The kind of retouch and the size and shape of the negatives indicate very obviously the intentional production of flakes. Subject to a use-wear analysis, this artefact is more likely a core than a used working tool. The dorsal face indicates at least ten primary flake negatives.

A relatively lat ovaloid pebble with a complete unifacial retouch seems to be Sumatralith like (III-96-F2-12, Fig.11 a, a). But also this artefact appears more like a core for thin large flakes. Nevertheless, it also shows a partial lateral retouch near its distal end which might indicate multi-functionality.

Among the several flakes from Arubo, a unifacially modified and slightly edge retouched flake points to an advanced core preparation (III-96-F2-18, Fig.12). Its truncated circular negatives on the dorsal face suggest even a levallois-like technique. However, before the systematic use of Levallois techniques in Arubo can be suggested, the related cores have to be found, first.

Modified Artefacts

Analysis of the Proto-Hamdaxe

The most outstanding artefact is the bifacially worked proto-hand axe (III-96-F2-01) found by J. Aves in 1995, which would be typical for the Early Acheulean period. It is made of fine-grained chert, and the presence of a smooth rind at the base of the tool indicates that the handaxe was made out of a pebble. The size of the handaxe is: 150.0 mm length, up to 98.0 mm thick at its base and there up to 74.5 mm high. It weighs 958 grams (Fig. 13). The handaxe on its domed face A is almost totally facial modified (Fig. 14). The flat face B is facially modified mainly in the distal part. Its right edge (of face B) is completely retouched on face B. The retouching of the left edge created steep negatives on face A, with the flat face B serving therefore as a striking platform. Two large opposite negatives that might have been created to improve the handling of the tool, have reduced the base on face B. From the base to the tip, the lateral view of the handaxe is wedge-shaped. Especially the distal part of the tool shows a complete edge retouch. A good control during the retouching of the edge is obvious and the lateral edges are at the same level. To reduce its end to form a tip, both lateral edges have been made slightly concave, producing an end scraper-like tip. The tip surely served as an individual functional area as well as at least the right lateral edge.

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The base of the handaxe still has its rind. The rind is very smooth and shows on some portions even polish-like gloss. This gloss does not seem to have resulted from post-depositional processes but can be interpreted as handling traces. Further, glossy parts affect the edge of the rind and the adjoining retouched surface, and are therefore not just a natural appearance of the rind. It can be assumed that only long use has created such a surface alteration. Unlike the negative ridges on the tool faces, the lateral edges and the tip show visible rounding. This rounding certainly resulted from use. As a potential contact material, plants, softwood or animal tissues can be considered. Bamboo or phytolith-containing plants seem unlikely, since the typical phytolith gloss or 'sickle gloss" is not present. A more precise determination is at the moment not possible, since experimental framework using local materials are yet to be conducted.

A very special feature is that the artefact shows different shades of patination. The patina of the original surface is heavier than that of the preparation negatives of the tool surfaces. Even less patinated than the large facial negatives are the smaller negatives, which seem to be the product of a rejuvenation of the lateral edges. This also applies to the row of small secondary negatives that form the semicircular tip. The very few and small scars from recent damages, show that the natural colour of the chert is light grey to yellow with a semi-opaque texture (see chapter 4.1).

The fact that different stages of patination appear on different modification stages show that the manufacture of the handaxe, its initial use, the resharpening of its lateral edges, and the end scraper-like retouch of its tip happened at very different times. Certainly, the resharpening and the final tip modification were done much later than the making of the tool. These were, therefore, definitely performed by different craftsmen at two, or even three, different periods. After a first period of use, the handaxe was twice picked up again, reworked, and re-used. The first reworking was done along the lateral edge while the second was done especially on the tip. Further more, the scarce non-intentional, post depositional damages, and near absence of rounding in the facial ridges suggest that the tool has not been much affected by natural causes.

Core fools

III-96-F2-02: Another remarkable artefact is a "pebble tool" with a thoroughly prepared tip on a larger flake-like fragmented chert nodule (Fig. 15). Its fully retouched lateral edge shows very steep negatives, almost 90°. The other lateral edge is partially retouched. That retouch continues towards a spatula-shaped tip. The tipped end is dorsal fully facial retouched but shows no modification on its ventral face. It is made of a chert rather different than the handaxe. Its middle-brown colored rind appears pitted with pores and looks almost like a sponge. However, the inner part shows fewer and smaller pores. Clark (1974:81), describes such artefacts as "boulder flake tools". This type of a tipped pebble tool would as well fit

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into an Early Palaeolithic. The pebble tool has a length of 134.0 mm, width of 73.0 mm and is 50.0 mm high. The weight is 393 grams.

III-96-F2-10: Morphologically, this artefact appears as a "cleaver", a coarse-grained, bifacially worked pebble tool made of a porous, tuff-like and brown coloured chert (Fig. I I b, c). This material could be described as a siliceous pseudo-tuff. Despite the coarse material. an excellent flaking control produced a straight, relatively sharp semicircular curved edge. On its opposite, the tool seems broken. The freshness of this break indicates a post-depositional reason, probably during the bulldozing of the site. It is therefore possible, that the complete tool was initially totally circular retouched. The domed "A- face" shows a stain-like greasy lustre what could be a form of a patina. Length from the tip of the semi-circular edge to the break is 106.0 mm, its width is 120.0 mm and the thickness is 68.0 mm.

III-96-F2-15: This artefact is a typical chopper, where the functional edge is created by a series of larger negatives on one side (Fig. 11 a, b). This chopper is made of a fragmented chert nodule. One face still bares the rind and served as the striking platform for the chopping edge. This edge has a straight line with an edge angle of c. 60°. However, almost half of the edge was chipped off by a large negative. This negative seems to be of non-intentional origin. Short secondary negatives with step and hinge terminations are recent. They show that the now medium-brown coloured chert originally was of a greyish texture.

The remaining chopping edge has secondary scars as well. Mostly short-wide, they possess step terminations as well. They might result from the use of this chopper, certainly on a harder material like wood or bones. The length measured parallel to the functional edge is 109.5 mm, width 53.0 mm and height 80.0 mm. The remaining length of the modified edge is 45.0 mm; it could have been over 90 mm before the damage occurred.

Modified flakes

III-96-F2-18: This large flake is on its dorsal face fully facial retouched (Fig. 11a, g). It is made of rather coarse grained, quartzitic chert with yellow-greyish color. The circular position and the truncated proximal parts of the dorsal negatives point towards a levallois-like flaking technique. This is supported by the presence of a facetted butt with a dorsal reduction. Interesting is a ventral reduction of the distal end. Obviously a core keel had been removed, perhaps for the purpose of better handling of the tool. Levallois technique is rather unique for the Southeast Asian Lower Palaeolithic and has been reported only from a supposedly Upper Palaeolithic site in Borneo, Leang Burung with radiocarbon dates between 19,000 and 31,000 BP (Glover 1981). However, Levallois points can appear accidentally on other core forms and must not necessarily result from a Levallois core (Hahn 1991). So far, only

8

one of the illustrated points from Leang Burung shows the typical inverted Y-shape of the dorsal ridges (as illustrated in Loofs-Wissowa 1984:445), But its "Y" shape is created by various small negatives instead of the typical short primary negative which separates this flake from a Levallois point sensu strictu, The presence of levallois cores would be a more reliable indicator for the use of Levallois technique, for Leang Burung as well as for Arubo, The size of the artefact is: length 90.1 mm, width 67.2 mm, height 37.0 mm. It weighs 181.0 grams.

III-96-F2-24: This artefact appears as a flake with a scraper profile (Fig.11 b, b). It is made of a very inhomogenous chert with a fanglomerate appearance. Its colour is reddish brown with various intrusions. Due to the texture of the chert, it is difficult to determine the morphology and modification of this artefact. It possesses two platform remants perpendicular to each other. Both platforms were most likely on natural breaks. Like many of the Arubo flaked artefacts, this scraper also derives from a double platform core. Apparently, the platform remnant opposite of the convex-shaped edge, was the active one for that flake. The convex edge has a scraper like edge retouch, however with irregular negatives. They are located on dorsal, where the distal (following the above assumption) end has a natural scraper profile. It can hardly be distinguished whether those negatives are from an intentional modification or were created during use. Few shallow step negatives appear on the ventral side of the edge. Length (scraper edge is distal end) is 63.4 mm, width 79,6 mm, thickness 24.0 mm. Weight is 134.5 grams.

III-96-F2-120: This artefact has all characteristics of a blade (Fig. 11a, d). Length is 98,5 mm, width 25.4 mm and thickness 15.6 mm. It has a weight of 32,0 grams. This blade-like flake is therefore rather elongated and also slightly laterally curved with one convex and one concave edge. Lateral edges and dorsal ridges are parallel to each other. The chert has a relatively coarse and inhomogenous texture without visible Wallner lines and developed bulb. Even the striking platform remnant can not be identified with absolute certainty. A bipolar technology might have been applied on the original core. However, the presence of a dorsal reduction formed by a number of step-negatives point towards a butt on the thinner and wider end. Additionally, the opposite smaller end has a stronger bending, typical for distal ends. The slightly concave-shaped edge has on its distal part (assuming the previous interpretation) some edge damage on the dorsal face. Short-wide hinge negatives are followed by larger scalar feather and step scars on a length of 25 mm. They can result from use, but also a post-depositional origin is possible (e.g. trampling). Dorsal reduction is as well a characteristic of blade core preparation, Nevertheless, to prove the use of a blade technology requires the presence of blade cores in the assemblage, Without them, blade technology remains speculative. as fascinating as this would be for the Arubo assemblage, with a potential presence of all major flaking techniques of the Palaeolithic Ages, as are unifacial and biracial techniques, levallois technique and blade technology. On the other hand, a

9

chronological characterisation of Arubo becomes more difficult if the artefacts remain the only information source. While the proto-handaxe and most other artefacts would point towards an early palaeolithic, blade production appears usually much later, especially in Southeast Asia.

Chronology and Palaeoecology of Ambo

The 2001 campaign at Arubo 1 delivered around 200 finds made of local chert. Eighteen of them could be identified as stone tools, cores and flakes. Their morphological character and the kind of tool types certainly point towards a rather old age of the Palaeolithic site Arubo 1. This can be assumed not only because of their archaic forms but also according to the position of the excavated artefacts. While most artefacts were found during the surveys, a few were excavated with their position just above the sandstone bedrock. This can already point towards an old age of the site. The nowadays weathered top of the sandstone could have been the living floor, or cultural layer. It is mostly free of humus coloration which might indicate a drier and perhaps cooler climate which is assumed during the periods of glaciation in the northern hemisphere. But especially the morphology of the artefacts supports the presumption of a Pleistocene age of the Arubo site.

The people of Arubo used the lithic resources of this place for stone tool making and other 'activities. The presence of modified and curated tools as well as use traces on some of the artefacts indicate that Arubo was not just visited for raw material gathering and flintknapping but a place where Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers put up at least a temporary settlement. Yet, little is known about the palaeo-environment of this region. If this site -based on a rather conservative age estimation of the lithic findings- would be chronologically positioned in the Middle Pleistocene. A nowadays extinct megafauna with elephas, stegodon, giant turtle and rhinoceros would have accompanied the Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers of Arubo. The same has been suggested earlier for the pebble tool industries of Cagayan Valley (Koenigswald 1958; Fox and Peralta 1974). Those surface findings, however, seem to share only the locality but not the stratigraphy with the Pleistocene fauna (see Shutler and Mathisen 1979). Although Arubo must currently regarded as an unstratified site as well, the typological and morphological spectrum can set the potential timeframe for the site much better than the amorphous and rather uncharacteristic material from Cagayan Valley for which recently not only their age but also their artefact character has been questioned by various archaeologists (e.g. Bellwood 1985: 66; Moser 1998: 143f.) The presence of pebble or cobble tools alone is not necessary an indicator for a lower Palaeolithic, especially not in Southeast Asia. Such choppers and chopping tools as ad hoc or expedient tools appear throughout the whole prehistory until the Holocene (Ronquillo 1981: 7)

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Conclusions and Outlook

Unlike most early palaeolithic sites in Southeast Asia, Arubo I delivered a manifold artefact assemblage, especially considering its relatively small number. It is significantly different from the typical "chopper/chopping tool industries" of Hallam Movius' scheme (Movius 1944). This brilliant simple scheme was at first based on finds from Java and Laos and separated the Old World in two archaeological regions, a western and an eastern, divided by a geographic boundary. Southeast Asia, India, Pakistan and China belonged to the eastern Pebble or Chopping tool Complex. From a typological point of view, the Arubo assemblage seems to jump across this border. The morphology of its artefacts would very well fit into an Early Palaeolithic. The proto-handaxe is certainly a unique artefact for the Philippines and even for Southeast Asia. The artefact character and the tool type are very certain, as well as its multiple use and re-use. A rather old age can be assumed not only because of its archaic form but also according to the different stages of patination of the tool and negative surfaces. It is unequivocal evidence that handaxes can be found beyond the so-called Movius line. Sixty years after its introduction, the borderline seems more and more a mere artificial mark without real cultural interconnection. A lot of interpretation came along with it during time and sometimes, Movius was perhaps just misinterpreted. Bifacial tools like handaxes can be used in many ways and a bifacial modification alone does not mean a specific or exclusive use. The tool design including any secondary modifications but much more the intention of the individual tool maker/user is relevant for the use and function of the individual tool. Sergej Semenov, who perhaps deserves to be called the founder of Lithic Technology and Functional Analysis and who was a contemporary of Movius made it clear that the form of stone tools is induced by their function rather than their cultural association (Semenov 1964, I 99 ff). The making of stone tools usually does not serve any cultural purpose (although there are certainly exceptions) it serves most of all the performing of mechanical tasks as a part of human subsistence. So far, no use wear analysis has proven the exclusive use of any working tool type for one specific purpose. Stone tools in general are not that specialized. Even arrowheads can and had been used for tasks other than projectile implements. A typology based observation like the alleged absence of certain forms like bifaces should be manifested under technological/functional aspects. This has not been the case and seems even hardly possible. Additionally, bifacial technologies have reached South China around 800 000 years ago, with several handaxe sites in the Bose Basin (Yamei et al. 2000). During the Upper Palaeolithic, makers of bifacial tools did not hesitate to jump over the Movius line in Northern and Northeast Asia with the Siberian Dyuktai Culture (Pawlik 1987). They even brought bifacial traditions to North America (and Japan as well) via the now drowned subcontinent Beringia

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(Bering Strait) during the stage of the Sartan/Wisconsin glaciation which correlates with the Middle-Late Wurmian (c. 22,000-14,000 BP) and connected Asia and America for c. 8000 years. (see Mochanov 1978, Hopkins 1982). With regards to the first peopling, the American continent thus can be addressed as the extension of the Far East, if not for our western based geographical understanding but then certainly for a cultural understanding.

The absence of a developed tool typology in Southeast Asian sites has led to the conclusion, that lithic tradition in Southeast Asia can be categorized as an expedient technology, where stone tools were occasionally made for an immediate and single use. A main argument was the lacking of a qualitative appropriate raw material, i.e. cryptocrystalline chert and the availability of organic materials such as bamboo as substitutes (Mijares 2001, 138f.). The site Arubo I might show a different picture. Intentional tool preparation and selective tool use can be assumed according to the handaxe and other modified artefacts, but also due to the presence of core preparation. Curation as a concept contrary to expedient tool use (see Binford 1979) is - if not spatially - at least expressed as a special form along a time line (for the handaxe; and probably not in a way Binford was having in mind, but nevertheless in the meaning of repeated maintenance). This kind of a "temporal curation" is rare to observe in lithic materials.

On the other hand, relatively little is yet known about the Palaeolithic in Southeast Asia and very few lithic artefact analyses and comparative studies have been performed until now. There is still a lack of fundamental research. At present, it might be too early to postulate general conclusions for lithic technology in Southeast Asia and the Philippines, especially with regards to possible changes of concepts new discoveries -like Arubo- might bring along.

Like the pebble tools of Cagayan Valley, most artefacts from Nueva Ecija are also unstratified findings. An Early Palaeolithic age is rather possible, but still has to be verified by absolute age determination which however, requires more research at the site. A first step was the ASP fieldschool in summer 2001, conducted as a joint venture of the Archaeological Studies Program and the National Museum of the Philippines. The archaeological research in General Tinio served two purposes: one was to train students from the Archaeological Studies Program within a Field School in modern surveying and excavation methods, especially for Palaeolithic sites. The other was to receive new insights into Philippines' Palaeohistory. The fieldworks in Arubo will hopefully continue and deliver more information about Philippines' earliest history.

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Acknowledgments

The 2001 Arubo fieldworks were an international joint venture and would neither have been successful nor possible without the engagement, expertise and support from the participating persons and institutions:

Our generous and most hospitable hosts in General Tinio: Hon. Mr. and Mrs. Nicanor B. Aves, Sr., Mr. Nicanor "Jon" Aves III, Mrs. Adelaida "Ta Neneng" Aves, Mayor Virgilio Bote, Mrs. Milagros Flores, Mrs. Violeta Guevarra

The National Museum of the Philippines and its team of professional and dedicated field experts: Ms. Arne M. Garong, Mr. Ric de Guzman, Mr. Dante Posadas, Prof. Rey Santiago

The University of the Philippines' Archaeological Studies Program with its experienced staff and the diligent participating students: Director Dr. Eusebio Z. Dizon, Mr. Jun Castro, Mr. Rey Verdolaga, Ms. Abigail Delgado, Ms. Pamela Faylona, Ms. Sharon Teodosio, Ms. Cathy Tulang, Mr. Leee Neri, Mr. Gregorio Magdaraog

The Fritz- Thyssen-Foundation, Cologne for their generous support of the Arubo field school.

The German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) for supporting the author and providing the Archaeological Studies Program with technical equipment used in Arubo.

Ms. Liane Giemsch, University of Tübingen, for participating in the fieldworks and especially for her contributions to the field school's lecture program.

Prof. Dr. Hansjürgen Müller-Beck, University of Tübingen, for sharing with me his enormous expertise and scientific advice and for being the proposal's referee.

Dr. Johannes Moser, University of Tübingen, for many fruitful discussions about Southeast Asia's prehistory and for making the superb illustrations of the proto-handaxe.

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SOUTHEAST ASIAN TRADEWARE CERAMICS FROM
SELECTED PHILIPPINE UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGICAL
WRECKSITES: IT'S IMPLICATIONS

Nida T. Cuevas*

Introduction

Southeast Asia is a region bounded by water that is suitable for maritime activities. Communication, trading, and commerce with neighboring populace had always been possible through boats. Numerous Southeast Asian, as well as foreign vessels, sailing the Philippine seas sank in the region's territorial waters (Ronquillo 1998). These sunken boats such as galleons, junks and other trading vessels are known to be located in Philippine waters.

The Philippines has played a major role in maritime trading activities long before the Spanish conquest. The archaeological activities in both underwater and terrestrial sites present evidence of maritime trading of foreign goods. This is indicated by the existence of large quantities of glazed ceramics from Chinese, Siamese (Thailand) and Annamese (Vietnam) kilns. There are instances also of trade ware coming from Burma and Cambodia

The foreign trade contacts with the Philippines began by at least the 1^st millenium B.C. sometime in the middle of the 9^th and 12^th centuries A.D. (Hutterer 1977; Fox 1967). Hutterer (1977) stated that Arabs and Persians primarily carried out the ceramic trade but there is no direct evidence regarding this as far as the Philippines is concerned. Hutterer (1977) further emphasized that foreign goods were brought to Philippine shores probably by Southeast Asian traders. It was assumed that these maritime activities had brought about distinct changes in the social, religious, and economic life of the early Filipinos (Fox 1979).
_________________

*Graduate student of the Archaeological Studies Program and National Museum Researcher

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One of the objectives· of this study is to present selected archaeological evidence that Southeast Asian and/or local traders brought these foreign goods to the Philippines. This can be deduced by investigating whether underwater shipwrecks recovered within Philippine waters contain tradeware materials coming from the countries of Vietnam, Thailand, Burma and China during 9th-16th centuries A.D. This study will also attempt to discuss the maritime relationship of the Philippines and other Southeast Asian regions, and its possible effects on the social and economic conditions of the Philippines during the Age of Contact and Trade with the East (probably 9th-16th centuries A.D.). It will also present historical accounts that discuss Philippine maritime trade relations with other Southeast Asian countries.

Historical Accounts

The first considerable commercial trade relation of the Philippines with other Southeast Asian regions seem to have resulted from the beginning of the early Arab trade (Beyer 1948; Fox 1967). In the middle of the 9th century, the Arabs were prohibited to encroach on the trading ports in the coast of South and Central China. They continued trading by taking a new route northward from the Malacca Strait by way of Borneo, the Philippines and Formosa. During the latter part of the 10th century, the Arabs were allowed to reenter Central and South China again. They, however, continued their trade with Southeast Asian countries. Patanñe (1996) mentioned that domestic trade was already established
among the islands of the Philippines and eastern Indonesia during the 12th century. During the 13th century, after the Sung emperors were forced to move south of the Yangtze River, Fox (1967) asserted that trade with China did not develop to a considerable scale. There were extensive commercial activities, wherein large quantities of porcelains and stoneware vessels were fired in many places. Fox (1967) further emphasized that the provincial wares of poorer quality were traded in the Philippines and other Southeast Asia regions.

At the end of the 13th century, there were probably no Arab trading vessels plying the high seas between China, the Philippines, Borneo, and neighboring areas (Fox 1967). During this time, the Madjapahit Javanese Empire had some contact with the Philippines. This resulted in a considerable readjustment in the commercial relationships between and among islands in Southeast Asia.

The Madjapahit Javanese trading empire was closely connected with the old states of Cambodia and Champa in the Indo-China mainland. These collaborators began to play an increasing part in the island trade. It was maintained by Beyer (1948) that the ceramic productions of Siam, as well as those of northern Annam and Tonkin, began to flow into the Philippines in very sizeable quantities. It was believed that in early 15th century, the Siamese and other Southeast Asia ceramic wares increased their competition with Chinese products. In short, the quantity of Southeast Asian products reaching the Islands was

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relatively small. In the 15th century, trade again became a free enterprise wherein the Chinese abandoned state trading and pulled back their imperial cargo ships (Patanñe 1996). There was the Chinese policy of expansionism or the so-called "open-door" policy of Yungle and his Admiral Cheng-ho (Dizon 1996). He further mentioned that there existed a "closed-door" policy created by the succeeding Ming Emperors regarding the exportation and importation of commercial goods, such as ceramics and other products. It was because of this policy that construction of long distance maritime vessels was prohibited and only riverine vessels were allowed to be constructed (Dizon 1996). Early mariners made changes on the design and technology of the vessels that appear flat-bottomed instead of the keeled or angled bottoms. This type of maritime vessel is more adaptive to riverine condition.

Hall (1985) had cited five commercial zones of maritime trade in Southeast Asia.

1. The Bay of Bengal with the Coromandel Coast of southern India extending its trading links to Burma, the upper Malay Peninsula, and the northern and western coast of Sumatra, all the way to Sri Lanka. The chief trading centers here were Pegu and north Sumatra.

2. The Straits of Malacca with Malacca emerging in the 15th century as a major entrepot, its rise getting support from the Ming dynasty. In the 1430's Malacca no longer depended on Chinese initiatives and now mediated the flow of spices from Indonesia.

3. The first half of the 14th century saw the emergence of Ayudhya in the lower Chao Phraya Valley, thus focusing trade in the upper Malay Peninsula's eastern coast with trade extensions to the port-cities bordering the Gulf of Thailand. In the 15th century it was trading with Malacca, the Philippines, and China.

4. The fourth trade zone was the Java Sea network that also covered the Lesser Sunda Islands, the Moluccas, Banda, Timor, the west coast of Borneo, and the southern coast of Sumatra. The center was in East Java where a powerful state, Majapahit, emerged at the end of the 13th century. Here were the ports of Tuban, Gresik, Japara, and Demand. Trading connection with Manila in the 15th century was the rise to prominence of a princess in the port of Tuban known as Nyai Ageng Manila.

5. The fifth zone was centered in the Sulu Sea and included the western coast of Luzon, Mindoro, Cebu, Mindanao, and also the north coast of Borneo. This zone facilitated the movement of precious commodities from the Spice Islands to China, westward to Thailand and Malacca, and southward to Java. Chinese trading

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bases in the 11th and 12th centuries by the 14th century had become centers for international trade, ruled by datus or rajahs. The main trading centers were the Manila Bay area, Cebu, Butuan, and Jolo.

The dominant ports in each zone became the chief distributor of foreign goods in their region as well as the source of local products for traders from another zone (Patanñe 1996).

The zone centered at Sulu maybe attested by the presence of ancient boats that were retrieved at Sitio Ambangan of Barrio Libertad in the province of Agusan del Norte. These boats were described as "sewn" boats, or those built in the lashed-lug technique. A sample of wood remains from the boat was subjected for radiocarbon dating at Gakushuin University in Tokyo, Japan. This resulted in the date of 1250 A.D .. The recovery of such artifacts revealed that Butuan was once a major trading port in the Philippines.

In addition, there were subsequent archaeological excavations conducted by the National Museum at the Butuan sites that resulted in the recovery of tradeware materials dating back to the Five Dynasties (907-960 A.D.). These include Sung and Ming wares, as well as, Thai and Vietnamese wares from the early 15th century. There were also Persian wares dating back to the 9th and 10th centuries (Alba 1987).

The discovery of various underwater sites in the Philippines tells us about early maritime trade, ancient boats and their cargo.

Selected Philippine Underwater Wrecksites

There had been several studies on early maritime trading in Southeast Asia that aimed to established relationships and evidences on early trade routes (Solheim 1991; Bellwood 1978). Wang (1989) disclosed that boat people in the rivers and ports of southern China have been trading with the southern Philippines, over much of the first millennia A.D., until the recent past.

In the Philippines, both underwater and land archaeological sites have revealed the presence of Southeast Asian tradeware materials and remains of boats that indicate ancient shipbuilding technology among maritime peoples in the region. However, the quality and quantity of the artifacts recovered in underwater archaeological sites in the country offer a clear evidence of a well-established trade route network.

The Underwater Archaeology Section¹ of the Archaeology Division, National Museum have been recovering sunken vessels within Philippine waters that indicate wooden boat

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remains and tradeware artifacts of Southeast Asian origin. The following are the selected underwater sites that describe our early maritime commerce with our Southeast Asian neighbors.

The Marinduque Wreck

The shipwreck is situated 914.4 meters north of Gaspar Island in the Province of Marinduque. It lies under no less than 40.23 meters of seawater. It was first discovered by an aquarium fish collector off Gaspar Island. The site had been almost completely disturbed by the local fishermen who apparently looted the area prior to the excavation of the National Museum and the Marine Archaeology Unlimited, Inc. (MAUI).

The excavation yielded a total of 1,260 artifacts. These consisted mainly of small stoneware jars with lids, glazed jarlets, Ming plates, dishes, saucers and porcelain bowls of various sizes. Also recovered were several porcelain spice containers, blue and white powder boxes, and pale green celadon plates. Local earthenware stove and earthenware pots; copper finger ring with coral motif and a set of cast iron cooking pans were also found. Ballast stones and some wooden objects were also retrieved as they lay scattered around the wreck area.

Alba (1988) revealed that tradeware materials recovered in this site have exhibited the distinct characteristic of the type that Chinese potters mass-produced during the 16th century. These low-quality blue-and-white wares were identified to be from Swatow, a southeastern port of ancient China, and dates back to the Ming Dynasty that reigned from the early 13th century down to the late 16th century.

It was gathered from this report that there was no analysis undertaken on the wood fragments associated with the wreck.

The Puerto Calera Wreck

The wreck area located some 200 meters from the opening of the Northwest Channel is approximately 50 meters from Medio Island. This was a joint endeavor between the National Museum and a group of Australian nationals - Brian Homan and Chris Tangredi.
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¹ The Underwater Archaeology Section administers archaeological researches and formulates policies concerning underwater archaeological sites. It deals not only with historical shipwrecks but also with all other underwater archaeological sites that may date back to prehistoric times.

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Salvage archaeology was applied to the site due to the extensive pothunting or treasure hunting done by the local fishermen in the area.

Retrieved from the site were Chinese tradeware ceramic materials from the 16th century Ming Dynasty, a single brown-glazed martavan jar believed to be of Siamese provenance and a fragment of wood imbedded with dowels. According to Alba (1984) this shipwreck was no doubt an edge-pegged-plank-built boat similar to those unearthed in land sites discovered in northern Mindanao. Alba (1984) further stressed that since large stoneware jars were least affected by surge and current, the size of the vessel can be estimated to have an overall length of about 7 meters and a possible width of 4 meters.

Lena Shoal Wreck

Lena Shoal is located close to Calauit Island northwestern part of Busuanga Island, Province of Palawan. The shipwreck was recovered at a depth of 48 meters below the sea surface which had a sandy bottom. There were some portions of coral concretions present (Conese 1998). It was noted that local fishermen had already looted the site. The recovery of this wreck was made possible through the joint efforts of the National Museum of the Philippines and the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA). The vessel was described as an edge-pegged plank built type that measures approximately 25 meters in length and 15 meters in width.

An analysis of wood from the planks of the hull was identified as belonging to Shorea sp. (Family of Dipterocarpaceae) and the wooden pegs belonging to Palaqllillm sp. (Family of Sapotaceae) (FEFNA 1997).

Retrieved from this site were Chinese and Vietnamese blue and white porcelain materials; Chinese, Thai and Vietnamese stonewares, and local earthenwares from the Philippines. These comprised the major part of the cargo. FEFNA (1997) reported that there were green wares recovered that were produced in various kilns in China and in Thailand. There were also brown wares retrieved that were manufactured in China, Vietnam, Thailand and Burma.

It was noted that metal artifacts, i.e., cannons, Chinese coins, lead balls, lead ingots, iron rings, a gong, a wok, cauldrons, iron implements, bronze sheets, a copper plate and various small metallic pieces were likewise recovered. The Chinese coins were dated to the Song Dynasty and the copper coin dates back to the Ming Dynasty (Hongwu period) (FEFNA 1997). The shipwreck also contained ivory tusks, and glass beads that were found inside the Sawankhalok jars. Betel nuts were also recovered inside these Sawankhalok jars and the inside lacquered wooden objects.

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Pandanan Island Wreck

The site was accidentally discovered by a diver from the Ecofarm System and Resources. Inc. while tending to their pearl farm in the waters surrounding the island (Cuevas 1997). The site location was approximately 200 meters from the beach front. This was at the foot of a steep slope from the reef with a depth of 40 meters below sea level. The wreck yielded an array of protohistoric Vietnamese, Thai and Chinese ceramic materials. The 4,722 artifacts recovered from this wreck included an assemblage of well-preserved remains of the wooden ship that carried cargo mentioned earlier. Also recovered were Chinese coins from which one coin was identified as belonging to the time of Yung-le between 1403-1424 A.D. The cargoes also included glass beads found inside stoneware jars. This kind of evidence indicated the method of transporting small items during their seafaring activities. Blue-and-white ceramics were typical of the Late Yuan (1280 - 1368 A.D.) to Early Ming Dynasty wares (Cuevas 1997).

There was only one keel that was observed suggesting one vessel. The construction of this type of boat is common in Indo-China, which is possibly from Vietnam, or southern China. It was concluded that the Pandanan shipwreck is one very good example of the probability of a Southeast Asian boat trading in the Philippines (Dizon 1996).

The San Isidro, Zambales Wreck

This wrecksite containing 16th century Ming Dynasty ceramic tradewares is located approximately 9 kilometers from the shore of Barangay San Isidro, Cabangan, Zambales at the depth of 44 meters below sea level (Cuevas 1997). The preliminary analyses of the cargo and the wood of the hull of the vessel resulted in the assumption that the wreck was apparently a local vessel of the "retailer" type that serviced the big Chinese junks that were unable to get closer to shore or rivers in earlier times (Cuevas 1997).

Conclusions

The existence of trade ware ceramics originating from Southeast Asian countries in various underwater shipwrecks found in Philippine waters give vital information on the association or relation of the Philippines to its neighboring countries. Trading with countries in the Southeast Asian region was instrumental in the marked changes in both social and economic conditions of the Philippines during the Age of Contact and Trade with the East (9th-16th centuries A.D.).

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One possible effect of these foreign maritime trade on the social and cultural aspect was the change in the settlement patterns among coastal people. It was argued by Hutterer (1977) that the pattern of settlement changed from a relatively dispersed and undifferentiated mode to one that was differentiated in terms of population density. Such settlement change is conveyed through the movement of people from the interior to the coast. It is also possible that the movement is from island to island. Junker (1990) believed that coastal settlement is a strategic locale for the control of both internal transport of goods and external maritime trade dominating the regional settlement system and functioning as a center for economic, political, and ritual activities administered by chiefs.

Another possible effect of the expansion of foreign trade in the Philippines was the change in the economic system. It was discussed by Hutterer (1977) that as foreign trade concentrated increasingly on a small number of port communities. a need arose for mechanisms by which, on the one hand, exotic imports could be distributed throughout the islands and on the other, local export goods could be channelled into the foreign trade network. In this case, a commercial entrepôt and primitive market economy were developed in the coastal communities. As suggested by the underwater archaeological finds, a coastal economic system was not primarily based on the importation and exportation business, but also embodied the production of native goods and resources from the interior. The demand commodities for export basically are products of rain forest, which were not directly accessible to the coastal population.

It is sad to know that most the underwater archaeological sites in the Philippines are extensively looted. Subsequent distribution and sale of these recovered tradewares or artifacts to the antique market is detrimental to the scientific inquiry or inventory of these materials. Information such as the number of pieces, the type and characteristics of ceramic ware coming from China and mainland Southeast Asia can not be factored in. An in depth analysis of ceramic materials cannot be realized if the area from which these pieces are retrieved have had experienced manual and/or mechanical intervention.

References
 

Dizon, Eusebio Z,

1991 State of' Philippine Underwater Archaeological Researches Researches from 1989-91: Plans for 1992. A Paper presented at the 2^nd International Colloquium in Archaeology. held in Silpakorn University. Bangkok Thailand from 9-11 December 1991 Bangkok. Thailand.

1996 The Archeology of a 15th Century A.D. Shipwreck. Located Off Pandanan Island. Southern Palawan. Philippines. Manuscript Manila: National Museum.

Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology

1997 The Lena Shoal Excavation . Manusript Manila: National Museum.

Fox, Robert B.

1967 Pre-history of the Philippines. Manila: National Museum.

Garcia, Mauro

1979 Chau Ju-Kua's Descriptions of the Philippines in the Thirteenth Century. Readings in Philippine Prehistory. ed Mauro Garcia. Manila: The Filipiniana Book Guild.

Hall, Kenneth R.

1985 Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia University of Hawaii Press Honolulu.

Hutterer, Karl L.

1977  Prehistoric Trade and the Evolution of Philippine Societies: A Reconsideration. Economic Exchange and Social Interaction in Southeast Asia. Perspectives from Prehistory. History and Ethnography. Ann Arbor. Michigan: University of Michigan Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies.

Junker, Laura Lee

1990  The Organization of Intra-Regional and Long-Distance Trade in Prehispanie Philippine Complex Societies . Asian Perspectives 29(2): 167-209.

Patanñe, Eufemio .P.

1996  The Philippines in the 6th Centuries. Quezon City. Philippines: LSA Press. Inc.

Ronquillo, Wilfredo P.

1997 The ASEAN: Realm of Affinities. Winning the Challellges of the New Millennium. A commemorative hook on the occasion of the 31st ASEAN Ministerial Meeting and Related Meetings on 20-29 July 1998. Manila, Philippines.

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Solheim, Wilhelm III

1991 The Southeast Asian maritime culture: 3000 B.C. to A. D. 1000. Paper presented to IAHA Congress held at Hong Kong. Hong Kong.

*Editor's note: For more information on historic documents on Philippine relations with other Southeast Asian regions see Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History by William Henry Scott. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. 1984.

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34

35

A REPORT ON THE HUMAN TEETH FROM ILLE CAVE:
AN EXERCISE IN ODONTOLOGY

Jack GL Medrana*

Introduction

Odontology is the study of teeth within the framework of physical anthropology, a discipline that has been lending its methods and theories to archaeology. This has been recently packaged into the new subfield of zooarchaeology and its most important branch, osteoarchaeology.

Studies of teeth done by the National Museum of the Philippines for example, are usually included as part of an over-all osteoarchaeological examination. However, the developments in archaeology and the proliferation of these specialties has caused a seemingly divergent attitude among the wide concerns of the discipline.

This exercise involves human teeth from the recent Ille Cave excavation. This is the specimen collection that was handed to the Archaeological Studies Program by the National Museum early in 2002, and yet to be analyzed.

Archaeological fieldwork in Barangay New Ibajay, El Nido, Palawan began in the initial survey of Ille Cave in May 1998, with surface finds of potsherds and a stone implement. Mapping was done in July when major reference points were established. In October a test excavation was done to determine the extent of archaeological materials beneath (Hara and Cayron 2001). During this season the skeleton of a human juvenile was discovered in the squares designated N3W12 and N4W12 at about 58 centimeters in depth, with the parts of another human individual located under it being also exposed (SEAICE 1999). These remains, however, were left in place as the team concluded their field activities. Graduate Student of the Archaeological Studies Program
_________________

*Graduate Student of the Archaeological Studies Program

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The next fieldwork took place in January - February 1999 when the discovered skeletons of two individuals were re-exposed. The adjoining squares designated as N2W 12, N3W13, N2 W13, and N3 W3 were also opened, revealing more human remains. From the first of these squares there was a new juvenile burial at a depth of 28 centimeters. The next two squares presented with an adult burial at 11-16 centimeters in depth (SEAICE 1999). All discovered human remains, except those from a burials in N3W13 and N3 W3, were retrieved from the matrix and brought to the National Museum in Manila. Findings from the study of these materials can be seen from the report of SEAICE (1999).

An archaeological team headed by Wilhelm Solheim II and sponsored by the SEAICE and PRRM (Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement) returned to the Ille Cave site in March 2001. The team has retrieved an additional quantity of human remains from an undetermined number of individuals. The focus of this paper is the observations made on the set of available human teeth from this recent batch of specimens.

The objectives of this paper are to:

1. Determine the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) based on the frequencies of tooth kind;

2. Illustrate the characteristic wear patterns of teeth among the human remains found at IlIe Cave;

3. Search for manifestations of stress, disease and lifeways through observation of teeth.

Methodology

Odontological observations were made using a magnifying lens. Teeth from human individuals were sorted from those of other vertebrates through the dichotomous keys organized by Cornwall (1956). These were then observed as to tooth kind, dental wear, and the presence of enamel abnormalities and dental caries.

A. Tooth form

The steps in tooth identification presented by Bass (1971 :213-226) was followed, which provided a practical scheme that differentiated between a) deciduous or adult tooth; b) incisor, canine, premolar, molar kinds; c) a tooth from the maxillary or mandibular areas; d) central or lateral, or the first, second or third of its kind; e) either from the right or left

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sides. The distinguishing features of each tooth kind listed and illustrated by Hillson (1996) was used as a supplementary guide.

Following these authors, I have devised a key that facilitated my identification:

Key to the Identification of Human Tooth:

1a) tooth has single root, single crown, and a thin occlusal edge in a mesio-distal orientation ..................................................................INCISOR, see 2

1b) tooth has single large root, single pointed cusp, large root in relation to its crown ..................................................................CANINE, see 3

1c) tooth has two cusps (buccal and ligual).................................................................. PREMOLAR, see 4

1d) tooth has multiple cusps, multiple roots, large occlusal surface .................................................................. MOLAR, see 5

2a) tooth is large, has shovel shaping and cingulum ..................................................................see 2b

2a') tooth is small, with narrow crown, no cingulum ..................................................................see 2e

2b) very large, prominent shovel shaping ..................................................................see 2c

2b') with noticeable shovelling, with pit at cingulum base.................................................................. see 2d

2c) when held with the crown to the bottom and the shovelling facing you, the left side of the crown is a right angle ..................................................................upper right central incisor

2c ') when held with the crown to the bottom and shovelling facing you, the right side of crown is a right angle .................................................................. upper left central incisor

2d) when held with the crown to the bottom and the shovelling facing you, the left side of the crown is a right angle ..................................................................upper right lateral incisor

2d') when held with crown to the bottom and shovelling facing you, the right side of crown is a right angle ..................................................................upper left lateral incisor

2e) smallest of all incisors.................................................................. see 2f

2e') small incisor, with wider crown and prominent fanning towards occlusal surface ..2g

2f) when held with lingual crown facing you and occlusal surface pointing above, left side of crown is right angle .................................................................. lower right central incisor

2f') when held with lingual crown facing you and occlusal surface pointing above, right side of crown is at right angle .................................................................. lower left central incisor

2g) when held with lingual crown facing you and occlusal surface pointing above, left side of crown is right angle .................................................................. lower right lateral incisor
_________________

* Aside from this, the small, separate key below would have to be applied to each tooth to determine if they are of adult or juvenile origin:

a) smaller and more yellow in color ..................................................................  deciduous

a') bigger, less yellow  .................................................................. adult

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2g') when held with lingual crown facing you and occlusal surface pointing above, right side of crown is at right angle ..................................................................  lower left lateral incisor

3a) wider crown, larger size, sharper single point cusp, with cingulum  ..................................................................  see 3b

3a') narrower crown, smaller size, blunt single pointed cusp, no cingulum .................................................................. see 3c

3b) holding the canine with crown below and lingual surface facing you, there is a groove on the right side of the root .................................................................. upper right canine

3b') there is a groove on the left side of the root .................................................................. upper left canine

3c) holding the canine with crown oriented upward and lingual surface facing you, there is a groove on the right side of the root ..................................................................lower right canine

3c') there is a groove on the left side of the root .................................................................. lower left canine

4a) cusps of equal size, with two roots (buccal and lingual) .................................................................. see 4b

4a') large buccal cusp, single root, root tip curving distally when viewed from lingual surface.................................................................. see 4c

4b) mesial surface of crown is concave ..................................................................see 4d

4b') roots usually fused, mesial surface of crown is convex ..................................................................see 4e

4c) small single lingual cusp, often with groove on mesial surface of root ..................................................................see 4f

4c') no groove on mesial surface of root ..................................................................see 4g

4d) holding it with crown downwards and lingual surface facing you, tip of root curves to the right ..................................................................upper right first premolar

4d') tip of root curves to the left ..................................................................upper left first premolar

4e) holding it with crown downwards and lingual surface facing you, tip of root curves to the right ..................................................................upper right second premolar

4e') tip of root curves to the left ..................................................................upper left first premolar

4f) holding it with crown upwards and lingual surface facing you, tip of root curves to the
right ...................................................................l lower right first premolar

4f') tip of root curves to the left .................................................................. lower left first premolar

4g) holding it with crown downwards and lingual surface facing you, tip of root curves to the right ..................................................................Lower right second premolar

4g') tip of root curves to the left .................................................................. lower left first premolar

5a) three roots oriented as lingual, mesio-buccal and disto-buccal; squarish crown, with three or four cusps ..................................................................see 5b

5a') two roots oriented as mesial and distal, oblong crown, with four or five cusps ..................................................................see 5c

5c) two roots with the mesial one curved backwards, with five cusps ..................................................................................... see 5h

5c') two roots both curved backwards, with four cusps ..................................................................see 5j

5c") only mesial facet present, roots often fused ..................................................................see 5j

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5b) lingual root is largest and most divergent, contact facets at mesial and distal areas, with Carabelli's cusp, occlusal outline is trapezoidal ..................................................................see 5e

5b') lingual root is widest but not divergent, occlusal outline has square shape ..................................................................see 5f

5b") contact facets on mesial surface only, roots often fused, occlusal surface triangular ................. see5g

5e) when tooth is held with crown downwards and distal surface facing you, convex (lingual) side of crown is on the right ..................................................................upper right first molar

5e') convex side of crown is on the left ..................................................................upper left first molar

5f) when tooth is held with crown downwards and distal surface facing you, convex (lingual) side of crown is on the right ..................................................................upper right second molar

5f') convex side of crown is on the left .................................................................. upper left second molar

5g) when tooth is held with crown downwards and distal surface facing you, convex (lingual) side of crown is on the right .................................................................. upper right third molar

5g') convex side of crown is on the left ..................................................................upper left third molar

5h) when tooth is held with crown upwards and distal surface facing you, convex (buccal) side of crown is on the right.................................................................. lower right first molar

5h ') convex side of crown is on the left ..................................................................lower left first molar

5i) when tooth is held with crown upwards and distal surface facing you, convex (buccal) side of crown is on the right................................................................... lower right second molar

5i') convex side of crown is on the left ..................................................................lower left second molar

5j) when tooth is held with crown upwards and distal surface facing you, convex (buccal) side of crown is on the right................................................................... lower right third molar

5j') convex side of crown is on the left ...................................................................lower left third molar

B. Calculating the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI)

To come up with the MNI, the number of teeth in each category as differentiated by the five steps of identifying tooth form were tallied. The counts of adult teeth were separated from that of deciduous tooth. The highest in each of the adult and deciduous teeth was noted, and were summed to get the minimum number of individuals.

C. Dental wear

Tooth wear was recorded by illustrating the wear pattern on the occlusal surface of each tooth.

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D. Abnormalities of the enamel

For enamel abnormalities, the signs of enamel hypoplasia was searched for, especially in incisors and canines. This was to be recorded as being present or absent, and with the aid of a magnifying lens. Due to the faintness of this lines especially to the naked eye, Mays (1998) advocates inspecting them for a second time to ensure that they are repeatable (same results are obtained when the data is re-scored).

Another category are cultural manipulations of teeth, like staining and filing. This will be recorded as to presence and their description.

E. Dental caries

Presence of caries was recorded as to frequency per tooth type, the characteristic of lesion, and its location. It is important first to recognize true carious lesions. Its cavities usually have very well-defined edges, their diameters are larger inside the teeth than on the surface opening, and are deeper, the opposite of what would be observed in post depositional erosions (Mays 1998).

Results and Discussion

A total of 55 human teeth was found, and among these only one, an upper right canine, was recognized as deciduous, that is, coming from the dentition of a child. The rest came from those of adults. Below is a summary of the observations, listed according to square and the layer in the square where it was found:

I.     N2W13

A.   34-40 cms
I.     lower right lateral incisor
2.    upper left third molar

B.    60-70 cms
I.     upper left lateral incisor - root tip broken off
2.    lower left lateral incisor - calculus at distal cemento-enamel junction, and also at mesial cemento-       enamel junction and crown
3.    upper left canine
4.    lower left canine - root tip broken off; with blunt occlusal, mesial and distal surfaces

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5.    lower right second premolar- calculus at cemento-enamel junction; hole at mesial CE junction.
6.    upper left first premolar - root tip broken off
7.    upper right first molar - tip of lingual root missing
8.    upper right second molar
9.    lower molar - unclassified as to order and side because of very severe wear and missing roots.

C.   80-85 cms
I.    lower left third molar

II.   N3W13

A.   71 cms

Right half of a human mandible, including socket of left lower canine, with the following remaining dentition:

1.    lower right first molar
2.    lower right second molar
3.    lower right third molar
4.    lower right first premolar

Found as unattached:

5.    lower left second premolar

B.   110-120 cms

Alveolar socket of left maxilla with the following remaining dentition:

1.   upper left first molar
2.   upper left second molar
3.   upper left third molar

C.  120-130 cms
1.   lower left second premolar - root tip broken off post-mortemly

D.  150-160 cms
1.   upper left first premolar

E.  160-170 cms
1.   upper right first molar - disto-buccal root tip broken off

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III.   N4W13

A.    0-10 cms
1.     upper left lateral incisor
2.     lower right first premolar
3.     lower left first premolar - with calculus at lingual CE junction
4.     lower right second premolar

B.    10-20 cms
1.     upper left second molar - crown only; with very severe wear; dentine exposed
2.     upper left central incisor - with brownish stain sustained antemortemly

C.    20-30 cms
1.     upper right third molar - developing caries at occluso-lingual part of crown
2.     upper right canine - calculus at lingual crown
3.     upper right lateral incisor

D.    30-40 cms
1.     upper right first molar
2.     lower right second molar
3.     lower left third molar
4.     upper left first molar - buccal roots broken off

E.    40-50 cms
1.     lower left central incisor - calculus at base of crown (disto-lingual area and at mesial side of crown)
2.     upper right canine
3.     lower right second premolar - with calculus, with filing
4.     upper left second premolar
5.     lower left first premolar
6.     upper right second premolar
7.     lower left first molar - all root tips broken off
8.     upper left first molar - with very severe wear; dentine exposed

F.    50-60 cms
1.    upper right central incisor
2.    lower right lateral incisor
3.    upper left lateral incisor
4.    upper right canine - deciduous
5.    upper right canine

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G.   70-80 cms
1.    lower left lateral incisor - with calculus at buccal cementa-enamel junction
2.    upper left first premolar - double root
3.    lower left second molar - still attached to alveolar socket
4.    lower right third molar
5.   upper right second molar
6.   upper left first molar

Tables I and 2 show the frequencies of teeth from the maxillary and mandibular areas, respectively. The highest were garnered by both the upper left first molar and the upper right second premolar, both giving a count of 4. Adding this to the number of deciduous tooth included in the study which is I, the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) would be five: four adults and one juvenile.

An unclassified molar, with undetermined side and position because of very severe wear and root damage, could still bring the MNI to 6 if it could be proven that it is an upper left first molar. In the meantime, from the manner and skill of identifying it is sufficient to say that teeth from no less than five individuals make up the study sample.

The parts of mandibles and maxilla that have been examined suggest that teeth from the sockets of these bones were not lost before death but postmortemly. Evidence of this was shown by the unresorbed bone in sockets of the missing teeth. If they were removed during life, very little trace of the involved sockets should have been observed since they could have it is likely that they would be resorbed.

Among the teeth examined, there were no grooves that tell of enamel hypoplasia. In positive cases, these would appear as grooves running along the mesial-buccal-distal plane of incisors and canines, the most commonly affected teeth. Enamel hypoplasia has been attributed to stresses experienced by the individual like poor nutrition and disease processes, when less matrix is being deposited in a certain portion of the crown which is forming at the time of the insult. Hence, adult individuals found at Ille Cave might have attained favorable health and nutritional conditions during their childhood years.

Observation on dental wear has been included to show the patterns of wear in this particular population. The determination of adult age ranges cannot still be done as calibration of wear rates is needed by the examination of juvenile/adolescent teeth, and in this case I am hampered by the lack of specimens. It is enough to say that most of the individuals from whom the molars were derived were past the second decade of life, as it is yet impossible to have individuals younger than twenty to exhibit this types of wear pattern. The illustrations (Figures 1 & 2) however would be an important addition to the database that would be of use in the future.

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The presence of dental caries indicate that the diet of these people include carbohydrates, particularly those with low molecular weights and even those with high molecular weights as well. Examples of the first one would be sucrose (which could have been derived from sugarcane, an indigenous plant species of East Asia), and fructose, the sugar found in fruits. High molecular weight carbohydrates [starch from rice (Oryza sativa L.), camote (Ipomaea batatas (L.) Lam.), gabi (Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schoff and Endl.), ube (Dioscorea alata L.)] do not actually initiate carious process as sugars, but when retained long inside the mouth they are broken down by ptyalin, the enzyme in saliva, into simpler sugars (which of course would have low molecular weights). The fact however that very few teeth in the sample showed these lesions suggests that they did not solely depend on, or were not consuming a large amount of, this food group.

Calculus which is mineralized plaque, was seen on three premolars, two incisors, and one canine, and it is interesting to note that five out of the six teeth are in the lower mouth. Since they are the ones closest to the ducts of the salivary glands (the minerals in calculus ultimately derive from saliva fluid), they are the most likely to be studded with calculus.

Like teeth specimens from other Philippine archaeological sites, two of the teeth from Ille Cave have been found to have evidence of staining and filing. The chewing of nganga (Areca cathecu) could probably be responsible for the brown staining: the filing of the premolar could be attributed to past aesthetic predilections.

References

Bass, William M.

1971 Human Osteology: A Laboratory and Field Manual of the Human Skeleton. Columbia: The Missouri Archaeological Society.

Cornwall, I. W.

1960 Bones for the Archaeologist. London: Phoenix House Ltd.

Hara, Yoshiyuki and Jun G. Cayron

2001  A Preliminary Report on the Excavation of Ille Cave. El Nido. Palawan. In HUKAY 3(1):81- 92.

Hillson, Simon

1996  Dental Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mays, Simon

1998 The Archaeology of Human Bones. New York: Routledge.

Southeast Asian Institute of Culture and the Environment.

1999 Archaeology Study: El Nido Community Based Conservation and Development Program.

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46

List 1: Summary of Dental Pathologies and Evidence of Teeth Manipulation Observed:
• Enamel Hypoplasia - none

1. Dental caries - 2
A. upper left third molar, at the occlusal-lingual part of crown
B. lower right second premolar, at the mesial cementa-enamel junction

3. Calculus - 6
B. lower left lateral incisor - at distal and mesial CE junction
C. lower right second premolar - at lingual CE junction
D. lower left first premolar - at lingual CE junction
E. upper right canine - at lingual crown
F. lower right second premolar - at lingual crown
G. lower left lateral incisor - at buccal CE junction

4. Staining - 1
C. upper left central incisor, brown staining of buccal crown surface

5. Evidence of Filing - 1
a) lower right second premolar, at buccal crown surface

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Figure 1: Wear pattern of molars from N2W13 (all levels), N3W13 (all levels), and N4W13 (10-20 cms)

a. upper left third molar from N2W13 at 34-40 cms;
b-d, from N2W13 at 60-70 cms; b, upper right first molar; c, upper right second molar; d, lower molar;
e, lower left third molar from N2W13 at 80-85 cms;
f, right half of a human mandible from N3W13 at 71 cms with (from right to left) lower right first molar, lower right second molar and lower right third molar;
g, alveolar socket of left maxilla from N3W13 at 110-120 cms with (from right to left) upper left first molar, upper left second molar, and upper left third molar;
h, upper right first molar from N3W13 at 160-170 cms;
i, upper left second molarfrom N4W13 at 10-20 cms.

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Figure 2: Wear pattern of molars from N4W13 at level 20-30 cms and deeper

a, upper right third molar from depth of 20-30 cms;
b-e, molars from 30-40 cms;
b, upper right first molar;
c, upper left first molar;
d, lower right second molar;
e, lower left third molar;
f-g, molars from 40-50 cms; f, lower left first molar: g, upper left first molar:
h-k, from 70-80 cms, h, lower left second molar: i, lower right third molar;
j, upper right second molar; k, upper left first molar.

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A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON LAKE TAAL, TALISAY,
BATANGAS: A Maritime Archaeological Survey*

Ligaya SP. Lacsina*
Pamela G. Faylona*

Dr. Thomas Hargrove, a former science editor of the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI), captured the imaginations of many with his book, published in 1991, called The Mysteries of Taal (1991). The book stated that there existed the ruins of former towns of Batangas province submerged in the waters of Lake Taal.

According to Hargrove, these ruins had either sunk due to several eruptions by Taal volcano or were flooded by rising lake water levels. This contention was supported by old Spanish maps showing the locations of Tanauan, Lipa and Bauan towns to be near to the crater lake, different from their locations today (Hargrove 1991), as well as  historic documents written by Spanish priests describing the destruction of towns from Taal's eruptions (Fig. 1) (Hargrove 1991). The stories told to many area locals by their elders also aided in Hargrove's thesis. Dean Worcester (1912) wrote that the eruptions of 1749 and 1754 forced the residents of the Tanauan, Taal, Lipa and Bauan lakeshore towns relocate to new sites farther from the lake.

From 1983 to 1989, Hargrove explored and dove Lake Taal in search of the lost towns. Consulting with various historians, archaeologists, geologists and other experts, he identified a number of sites, two of which he believed to be part of the old Tanauan town, both submerged, which he named "the fort" (Hargrove 1991 :37) and "the rock," (Hargrove 1991 :47) respectively. He found a site, which he called "the bowl," believing this to be
_________________

* Graduate students of the Archaeological Studies Program

+ Maritime Archaeology is the scientific study, through the surviving material evidence of all aspects in underwater that draws from a variety of major source fields, including terrestrial archaeology, anthropology and history (Babits and Tilburg 1998: 5, 26)

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from the old Lipa town (Hargrove 1991:61). Finally, Hargrove (1991) identified the location of the former Bauan town hidden in the thick vegetation of the lake's southern shore after chancing upon a paper by geologist Emmanuel Ramos, who cited the existence of the ruined structures.

With his group, Hargrove was the first to thoroughly explore the waters of Lake Taal for its material culture, enabling him to write the only in-depth book about the area. And because it seemed to verify both historic accounts and legends, The Mysteries of Taal soon became the sole reference on Taal for many people, including researchers and academics.

A group of scuba divers, of the now defunct Philippine Underwater Archaeology Conservation Society (PUACS), became fascinated with the book and started surveying the lake for Hargrove's underwater sites. They sought the opinion of experts from the fields of archaeology and geology namely Dr. Eusebio Dizon and Dr. Emmanuel Ramos, respectively, who joined their explorations. From these explorations, Dizon and Ramos were of the opinion that the so-called man-made walls of Hargrove's book were natural volcanic formations (Harper-Alonso 2002). Dr. Dizon decided to take his students from the University of the Philippines-Diliman enrolled in his underwater archaeology class, to observe these sites.

On 11-13 January 2002, Dr. Dizon, Director of the Archaeological Studies Program (ASP) and ASP students Darryl de Leon, Pamela Faylona, Ligaya Lacsina and Bobby Orillaneda, together with two members of PUACS, Ms. Rossanna Harper-Alonso and Randell Raymundo, decided to explore Lake Taal and map the site Hargrove called "the fort." The aim would be to verify if the drawings seen in page 39 of his book is a man-made wall as he claimed or a natural formation (Fig. 2). The team, staying at the Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (PHIVOLCS) station in Brgy. Buco, Talisay, Batangas would also survey the sites Hargrove referred to as "the rock," a partly submerged mound of rock believed to show old postholes, and, time permitting, the old Bauan ruins, now located in Sta. Teresita, Batangas.

The Ethno-History of Batangas

The province of Batangas in Southern Tagalog region was formerly called Region del Cumintan during the Spanish occupation. It was called as such because they were very much delighted with the melodious song called Cumintang which was sung everywhere by the natives (www.limjoco.net). The Spanish missionary stayed in a small lowland settlement called Batangan because of the numerous big logs that abound in that area commonly known as Batang by the people of the barangay. From this barangay evolved the town of Batangas. http://www.limjoco.net

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Batangas province is noted for having a rich historical and cultural background even before the Spaniards came. Trade was prevalent at that time and this can be supported by various artifacts found in different towns of Batangas. As described by the late Henry O. Beyer (1947), Batangas has a uniquely late, rich neolithic remains and is one of the most remarkable late Stone-Age sites found anywhere in the world.

Among the specimens present in Batangas are the following: pre-Spanish Chinese porcelains found in various towns namely Lipa (now a city), Tanauan and San Pedro. In addition to that were the different stone tools present within the vicinity such as stone hammers and adzes. The most popular was the fifteenth century Calatagan pottery (Fox 1959) that has been subject of numerous archaeological excavations since 1940.

The Study Area

Lake Taal is located at 14°00.1' North and 120°59.1' East with an altitude of 2.5 meters. The lake was formerly called Bombon Lake, and is about 60 km south of Manila. At 172 meters, it is the deepest lake in the Philippines, and the third largest in area, 267 km².

The lake can be described as ...

" ... a caldera lake, having been formed partly by the collapse of large volcanic crater and partly by subsidence. Subsequent volcanic activity has modified the morphometry of the lake. During the 10^th century, it was connected to the sea at Balayan Bay by a wide channel, but an extremely powerful eruption of Taal Volcano in 1754 rearranged the shape of the lake and narrowed the outlet to form the present day Pansipit River. The river was the only outflow of the lake, which leaves the lake in its southwest corner and travels about 10 km to the sea.

A high ridge part of the crater wall, rises to 640 meters above sea level to the northwest of the lake, upon which is located the chief town in the catchment area, Tagaytay City. To the South and East, the land is more gently sloping ..."  (www.iml.rwth-aachen.de/Petrographie/taal.html).

The region is considered as an active volcano island. The lake contains a crater lake of about 30 hectares formed by an eruption in 1911, and another crater, 2 km away from the crater lake formed by an eruption in 1967.

Taal Volcano has erupted at least 33 times since 1572 (Ramos 2001), the most destructive of which were the eruptions of 1754 and 1911 (Alcaraz et al 1977). Worcester (1912) reports the 1911 eruption to be so ferocious that in Manila, "people leaped from their beds in terror, thinking that there had been some great catastrophe in the city."

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In a report of the chemical composition of its water, Taal Lake is described as

"slightly alkalinized and no significant differences in the chemical composition between surface and a depth sample were observed. However, compared with the rain water chemistry, the lake is clearly enriched in rock-forming elements and among them sodium shows the major enrichment." (Delmelle et al 199?)

There are different biological features that can be found in the lake. These are the flora submerged macrophytes such as Hydrilla verticillate, Vallisneria sp. The others are from fauna namely:

a. Benthos: Mollusca (Melania blatta, M. laterita, M. pantherina, M. craba, Vivipara angularis, Corbicula manilensis), Crustacea (crab- Grapsidae, shrimp- Abyidae); and

b. Fish: Harengula tawilis, Caranx ignubilis, C. marginatus, Chanos chanos, Mugil spp., Anguilla Mauritana, Glossogobius gluris, Ophiocephalus striatus, Scatophagus argus, Ophiocara aporos, Toxotes jaculator, Oreochromis nilotica.

These species are economically important among the settlers of Lake Taal.

Methodology

The team brought the necessary equipment for underwater exploration such as the scuba gear and compressor; rope, meter tape, hammer and line level for mapping; and slates and a video camera for recording. The team were to explore "the fort" and the "the rock", both situated on the northern side of Taal Lake, and the ruins of Sta. Teresita, found on the lake's southern shore.

After an initial visual inspection, the underwater site called "the fort" was mapped, using an established a grid system. The group used snorkelling equipment to explore the shallow water site of "the rock". The Sta. Teresita site would be explored through walk survey. Primary and secondary sources were utilized in conducting this report.

Exploration and Mapping

Mapping was done on the site of "the fort". The site was located at Brgy, Caloocan, Talisay, Batangas. The datum point (DP) is established at the church of the barangay, 50 m away from the site. A buoy was placed on the site as a marker of where the underwater site is located.

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A two-by-two meter vertical sample of "the wall" was arbitrarily chosen to be recorded, showing the two-dimensional "front" view. This same sample was then extended down to its floor, at 15 meters deep, to record "the wall's" contour.

The team conducted four dives to explore and map "the fort", two dives for each day. The following is the itinerary for each of those dives:

DIVE 1: The team did a shore entry from the station house of PHIVOLCS. The objective of this dive was to locate the site of "the fort". But this was not to push through because most of the divers experienced bad air. It was also later realized that the divers mistakenly descended at a wrong location in exploring the site.

DIVE 2: The team hired a boat from PHIVOLCS and dove where "the fort" was located. Visibility was about 2 meters, but disturbing the silty environment would quickly bring visibility down to 50 cms until the sediments would settle again. The top of "the fort", found at a depth of about 1.5 meters, was thickly covered by eel grass. The measurement from the surface down to the bottom of "the fort" was approximately 15 meters. The "wall" was about 12 meters in height and composed of what appeared to be rocks of different sizes piled up together. There were no cementing materials found in between these rocks.

DIVE 3: The group established a grid system along an arbitrarily chosen two-by-two meter portion of "the wall" for mapping the frontal view. This same portion was extended down to 12 meters from the top of "the wall" to its floor for contour mapping.

DIVE 4: Mapping was conducted by two groups with two members each, using meter tapes, pencils and slates. One group was to record "the wall's" frontal features, the other was to record "the wall's" contour. Because of time constraints, the mapping of the frontal features needed to be done hurriedly and only an approximation of the 2x2 meter portion was recorded. The contour was recorded by setting a vertical line 2 meters from the top of "the wall". At every meter, a measurement was taken of the distance between the vertical line and "the wall".

The team visited "the rock", situated about 2 km from "the fort" and 100 m from shore, by boat. Now the base of an offshore concrete structure which is privately owned, the site is partly submerged. Using snorkeling equipment, the group observed shallow holes on "the rock's" surface which might have been what Hargrove (1991 :37) referred to as old postholes.

Finally, with enough time left before heading home to Manila, the team visited Hargrove's old Bauan site located in Sta. Teresita, Batangas, on the southern shore of Taal Lake.

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About 20 meters from the lake shore, on privately owned land behind dense vegetation, were a number of thick constructed "stone walls" and a single "stone structure", rising about 2 meters from the ground with an opening at its roof. This is what Hargrove (1991) believes to be a Spanish gunpowder magazine. Because the team lacked flashlights, no one was able to explore the room from the inside.

Results and Discussion

At first, the wall of "the fort" looks to have been made up of individual rounded rocks piled up one onto another, with the smaller rocks measuring about 20-40 cm in diameter on top, and the rocks measuring to larger than 100 cm in diameter at the bottom (Figure 3). But upon closer examination, no cementing materials could be seen to be holding the rocks together. Harper-Alonso (2002) cited Ramos as describing the rocks as volcanic bombs ejected from the volcano into the nearby vicinity and later rolling into the valley where flowing streams transported them to their present locations. Additionally, some of these individual rocks appear to be the bulges of a much larger solid rock formation, and as Dizon and Ramos agreed (Harper-Alonso 2002), too large to have been carried there for wall construction.

The contour of "the fort wall" appears to be too erratic and rounded to have been purposely constructed (Figure 4). There are bulges at various parts of "the wall" that taper down as it reaches the floor. Furthermore, swimming over "the fort" near the surface, one can see the eel grass growing over a large area going inland and getting shallower, indicating more of a solid rock formation than a man made structure whose roof might have presumably collapsed in areas over the years.

The team's observation of Hargrove's postholes on "the rock" was likewise that these are natural formations and not manmade. The holes seem to be products of the erosion of less stable volcanic materials in the solidified lava.

No archaeological materials were found in "the fort" and "rock" portions of Taal lake.

The Sta. Teresita site, on the other hand, showed much more promise for further archaeological study. Numerous surface materials such as earthenware and ceramics could be found in and around the area. The very distinct wall structures are located about 20 meters from the volcano lake and very near a stream that may have been used as a moat. The room with the roof entrance should also be observed more closely. A community lives near the ruins, and believes the place to be an old church and thus considers the grounds to be sacred. It was reported that they bury their young and stillborn infants here, and this is evidenced by the presence of recently placed flowers and burned out candles scattered around the area.

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Conclusion and Recommendations

While the researchers believe that "the fort" and "the rock" are natural formations, the studies done here have been very preliminary. More time needs to be spent in examining the sites, especially at "the fort". A more thorough mapping needs to be performed here, and samples need to be taken. Another way to verify Hargrove's idea that this site is a manmade wall is to carefully excavate a portion of the structure. A constructed wall should have a certain thickness. If the researchers' observations that "the wall" is natural and from solid rock are correct, an excavation would show this.

The Sta. Teresita ruins are a promising site for historical archaeology. Archival research will also aid in determining the nature of this site, as the Spanish colonial administration kept records of their churches and forts. Care will have to be taken, however, in view of the fact that the site is privately owned, and at the same time, it is presently used by a nearby community as burial grounds. A close collaboration with this community if the study is to push through is absolutely necessary.

References

Alcaraz, A & R. Dauin

1977 Notes on Taal Volcano Prognostics. Journal of the Geological Society of the Philippines Vol. XXXI NO.2. Manila.

Babits, Lawrence E. and Han Van Tilburg

1998 Maritime Archaeology: A Reader of Substantive and Theoretical Contribution. New York: Plenum Press

Beyer, Henry Otley

1947 Outline Review of Philippine Archaeology by Islands and Provinces. Philippine Journal of Science. Vol. 77 Nos. 3-4. July-August. Manila.

Delmelle, Pierre & A. Bernard*

1999 The Main Crater Lake o/Taal Volcano (Philippines): Preliminary Chemical Results. Brussels: Universite Libre de Bruxelles.

Fox, Robert B.

1959 The Calatagan Excavations: Two Fifteenth Century Burial Sites in Batangas, Philippines. Philippine Studies Vol. 7 No.3. Manila.

Hargrove, Thomas R.

1991 The Mysteries of Taal. Manila: Bookmark.

Harper-Alonso, Rossanna

2002 Taal's Deep Secrets. Starweek. February 24, 2002. Manila.

*Editor's note: Date appears as in original

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Ramos, Emmanuel G.

2001 Geomorphic Features of Taal Volcano. Journal of the Geological Society of the Philippines Vol. 56 Nos. 3 & 4. Manila.

Worcester, Dean C.

1912 Taal Volcano and its Recent Destructive Eruption. National Geographic Magazine Vol. XXIII No.4. Washington DC.

Internet Websites:

www.limjoco.net
www.mozcom/batangas/phil
www.imlrwth-aachen.de/petrographie/taal.html
www.psdn.org/ph/wetlands/taal.htm
www.univ.savoie.fr/labos/lgit/pagehtml/AncientSitePageHtml/taal_voleano.html

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A REPORT ON THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL COLLECTION
FROM KAY DAING HILL SITE CALATAGAN, BATANGAS
PROVINCE, PHILIPPINES

Juallito F. Castro Jr. *

Background

From 22 April to 17 May 1997, Sitio Dayap of Barangay Tanagan, Calatagan, Batangas was the venue of the first field school of the University of the Philippines-Archaeological Studies Program (UP-ASP). Under the supervision of the National Museum of the Philippines, it aimed to gather information on pre-historic habitation sites at the east coastal area of Calatagan.

Batangas is located at the southern portion of the main island of Luzon and Calatagan likewise is the southernmost town. Presently, Calatagan is comprise of 25 barangays, one of which is Tanagan. Its hill is commonly known as Kay Daing has an approximate elevation of II meters and 50 centimeters above sea level (Dado 1999). The site is given an accession code of IV-1997-R.

The retrieved materials currently stored at UP-ASP laboratory are earthenware sherds and beads of various forms, sizes and colors; stone adze, an iron nail, slag, human teeth and bone fragments. A variety of univalve and bivalve shell species were the dominant finds.

To date, Mr. Jun C. Cayron, a student of UP-ASP, has been analyzing the beads for his proposed masteral thesis in the program.
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* University Research Associate of the Archaeological Studies Program

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Storage facility

The inventory of archaeological materials/specimens was completed on 24 May 1997. After a formal agreement with the National Museum of the Philippines, majority of the archaeological specimens retrieved from the excavated site were transferred to the UPASP Materials Analysis Laboratory for further analysis by ASP students as well as other researchers.

The archaeological materials at present are sealed in 5x4 polythene bags accompanied with bagging slips that contained information such as square, depth, type and description, date and name of recorder. All of the materials were also recorded in an inventory form 5A of the National Museum of the Philippines. To date, there are at least 4,290 recorded archaeological specimens (Table I). A recorded digital copy of the archaeological materials/ specimens retrieved at the Kay Daing Hill site is also available for reference and archiving purposes.

Condition of materials

Generally, materials retrieved from excavation sites are thoroughly cleaned by washing and brushing. However, materials such as wood, bones, charcoal and metals (depending on its condition) are not cleaned by water since this will deteriorate their condition. Sometimes mechanical cleaning has to be taken into consideration e.g .. with the use of pin vice or toothbrush.

Shells, stone adze, beads and earthenware sherds are generally cleaned with water, labeled and packed in a polythene bag with bagging slip. While bone fragments and iron/metal slag are cleaned through mechanical means, either by paintbrush, cotton wool or pin vice. All of the archaeological materials are safely stored at the ASP Materials Analysis Laboratory.

The following are the classification of the archaeological materials:

Pottery - consisting of earthenware, stoneware and porcelain.
Glass beads - of varying colors of red, green, yellow and orange.
Shell - univalves and bivalves, w/ 8 different kinds of species.
Metal - corroded with rust.
Human tooth - most of the recovered tooth has a scale of 2 cm. in height w/a diameter of 1 cm.
Bone fragments - both human and animal bones.

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Recommendations

There's a need for much bigger space for storage purposes and acquisition of storage cabinets for the materials, not only for Kay Daing materials, but also for the other materials currently stored at ASP. Every year, hundreds to thousands of archaeological specimens are being retrieved from different archaeological sites. Storage facility, at present, are slowly being congested. Preservation of the archaeological materials needs better storage conditions considering its value for research and references. Also, there's a need for additional open steel racks to house big and heavy archaeological materials like jars and others.

Lastly, there's a need for more archaeological activities in Calatagan for us to know more about the prehistory of the area since there are at least 12 more archaeological sites in Calatagan, Batangas, Philippines (Fox and Main 1982).

References

Dado, Arnulfo

1999 The Summer Fieldschool Archaeological Excavation in Calatagan: The Kay Daing Hill Site (IV-1997-R). HUKAY 1(2):17-32.

Fox, Robert and Dorothy Main

1982 The Calatagan Earthenwares: A Description of Pottery Camp/exes Excavated in Batangas Province. Philippines. Manila: National Museum.

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Munj-Muni... *
*Tagalog word meaning "random thoughts, musings, reflections"

My Life on Board

Leee Anthony M. Neri

I was totally excited and enthusiastic on my first day onboard a motionless ship conducting an underwater archaeological excavation in Sta, Cruz, Zambales, Philippines last June September 2001.

It was my first time to be a part of this kind of excavation, which is jointly conducted by the National Museum of the Philippines and Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA), I recalled when I was approaching the site, I saw 2 boats-M/Y Blido and M/Y Vasco-floating on a calm open sea that was surrounded by islands of Hermana Mayor and Hermana Menor. I boarded the M/Y Blido where Bobby, my classmate at the UP Archaeological Studies Program, and the group from the National Museum stayed, I was greeted cordially and graciously given a tour. After unpacking my things, I was totally amazed with the view-it was an awesome sight. I thought I was in a new world, a landless world surrounded by a vast bluish picturesque scenario. Going back to reality, as I peered on deck I could barely see the shore. I was then orienting myself to the different partitions onboard when I bumped into an area where the artifacts were placed. I really can't believe what I saw, crates filled with blue and white plates, jars with different sizes standing at the deck and others waiting to be accessioned. I was then tasked to do these chores.

Seeing the artifacts, measuring and describing them personally was an exciting and helpful experience. My first day onboard was more on "archaeology". I'm doing this for the love and passion for archaeology and loving this field entails you to be patient. I've always been thinking that what I'm doing onboard was a "calling," not job. As a student in archaeology, you really can not help yourself but wonder about the basic questions like: who made these things? where did they come from? why did they sink here in the Philippine seas? and other interesting questions that you eagerly wanted to know. I could just imagine myself floating in this very same spot where they sank possibly 600 years ago. I could visualize how they screamed in horror, their panic in saving their lives. Nevertheless, I could not
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* Graduate Student of the Archaeological Studies Program